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of the Class of 1889 




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The James Sprunt Historical Publications 


The North Carolina Historical Society 

J. G. de Roulhac Hamilton )„, 
Henry McGilbert Wagstaff J 

Library, Univ. of 

VOL. 16 No. 






Edwards & Beottghton Printing Company 




Samuel James Eryen", Jr. 





Description of Rowan County. 



The Settlements and Boundaries of Rowan 



Colonial Salisbury. 



Relations with the Indians. 



The Courts and Officials of Rowan County and 
Salisbury District. 



The Regulators. 



The Churches of Early Rowan. 

Chapter VIII. 

Education in Rowan. 



The Safety Committee. 



Social and Industrial Conditions. 



Description of Rowan County 

The heirs of the eight noblemen to whom Charles II had 
granted Carolina in 1663 found that vast territory an unprofit- 
able and unruly charge. In 1728, therefore, the owners of seven 
of the eight equal undivided shares offered to sell all their interest 
in Carolina to the Crown, and the proposition was accepted. In 
the following year the purchase was completed, the seven proprie- 
tors who surrendered their claims receiving 17,500 pounds sterling, 
and the relinquishment of the lands being confirmed by an act of 
Parliament. John, Lord Carteret, afterwards created Earl Gran- 
ville, alone of the eight lords retained his share. 1 

In 1744, his part of Carolina was set off for him by grant from 
George II, all the territory lying between the Virginia line on 
the north and the parallel of 35° 34' on the south being allotted 
to him. The eastern boundary of this immense tract was the 
Atlantic Ocean and the western, the Mississippi River. 2 

At this time the portion of this grant west of the present eastern 
boundaries of Randolph, Guilford, and Rockingham counties was 
just being entered by enterprising settlers. It is with the region 
west of the above-mentioned boundary lines that this sketch is to 
deal. This region embraced the northern part of two of the three 
great natural divisions of jSTorth Carolina — the Piedmont section 
and the Mountain section. 

The part included in the Piedmont is blessed by nature with 
countless streams and an endless succession of hills and valleys 
which increase as one goes westward. Its climate is invigorating 
and wholesome. The soil is very fertile, especially along the banks 
of the rivers and creeks. The earth contains great mineral wealth 
in the form of coal, iron, gold, and other metals, ores, and min- 

iAshe, 217; Williamson, 26-27. 
2 Col. Bee, IV, x. 

6 James Spkunt Historical Publications 

erals. Among the trees found in the forests are the white oak, 
the white hickory, the white ash, the elm, the maple, the beech, 
the poplar, the persimmon, the black walnut, the yellow pine, and 
the mulberry. 

Most of what has been said of the Piedmont district is also 
applicable to the Mountain division. The Blue Ridge Mountains 
— a portion of the Appalachian Range — lie partly within its bor- 
ders. Here the wild cherry, the white pine, the hemlock, the black 
birch, the white walnut, the chestnut, the beech, the locust, and 
many other trees grow. The mineral resources of this section are 
more abundant than those of the Piedmont. The Mountain region 
is above all else a land of health and beauty. 3 

The earliest visitor to this territory who recorded anything was 
John Lawson, the Surveyor-General of the Province of North 
Carolina. In December, 1700, accompanied by several other 
Englishmen and Indian guides, he left Charleston for an explora- 
tion of the northern province. 4 His tour extended as far west as 
the section later erected into Rowan County. The land embracing 
the southern part of the county as it now stands and the counties 
to the south he described as "Pleasant savanna ground, high and 
dry, having very few trees upon it, and those standing at a great 
distance. The land was very good and free from grubs or under- 
wood. A man near Sapona (the Yadkin) may more easily clear 
ten acres of ground than in some places he can one; there being 
much loose stone upon the land, lying very convenient for making 
of dry walls or any other sort of durable fence. The country 
abounds likewise with curious, bold creeks, navigable for small 
craft, disgorging themselves into the main rivers that vent them- 
selves into the ocean. These creeks are well stored with sundry 
sorts of fish and fowl, and are very convenient for the transporta- 
tion of what commodities this place may produce." 5 

Lawson continued his journey a few miles further north, pass- 
ing through a country which he characterized as "a delicious 
country; none that I ever saw exceeds it." Fine bladed grass, six 
feet high, grew along the creeks, and the sepulchres of dead In- 

land-book of N. C, 22-46. 
4 Lawson, 19. 
e Lawson, 80. 

A Colonial History of Rowan County 7 

dians were seen. Lawson found the town of the Sapona Indians 
located in an open field about a mile square on the fertile and 
pleasant banks of the Sapona River, as the Yadkin was then 
called. 6 This town was near Trading Ford, a few miles east of 
the site of the present city of Salisbury. Trading Ford was so 
called because it was on the ancient Trading Path which traders 
from Virginia traveled at an early date in going to the Catawbas 
and other southern Indians. 7 

Lawson was delighted with the scenes around the Yadkin. He 
says: "This most pleasant river may be something broader than 
the Thames at Kingston, keeping a continual warbling noise, with 
its reverberating on the bright marble rocks. . . . One side of 
the river is hemmed in with mountainy ground, the other side 
proving as rich a soil as any this western world can afford." 8 A 
numerous train of swan and other water fowl were on the stream 
and many small birds sang upon its banks. 9 

The travelers were entertained by the old king of the Saponas, 
who proved very friendly to the white men. Neighboring tribes 
of Indians were the Toteros, who inhabited the "westward moun- 
tains," and the Keyauwees, who dwelt in a village about forty 
miles west of Trading Ford. These three nations were small, and 
at that time were planning to combine in order to strengthen 
themselves and become formidable to their enemies. About ten 
days before Lawson's arrival among them the Saponas captured 
five northern Indians. Indians from the north ranged over the 
country and were a terror to the less warlike tribes of the south. 
The Saponas were preparing to put the captives to death with 
cruel torture, but released them upon the request of the Toteros, 
some of whom, when taken prisoners by the northern Indians a 
short time before, had been kindly treated and permitted to return 
to their own people. 10 

The old king of the Saponas took much pride in several horses 
which he owned. Lawson was highly pleased with the country. 
Every step, he declared, presented some new object to his view. 

"Lawson, 81. 
'Rumple, 15. 
8 Lawson, 81. 
8 Lawson, 83. 
"Lawson, 82-84. 

8 James Spkunt Historical Publications 

Beavers, swan, geese, and deer were plentiful in the neighborhood 
of the Yadkin. During the stay of the explorers at Sapona town 
a party of the Toteros, "tall, likely men," came down from the 
west "having great plenty of buffaloes, elks, and bears with other 
sort of deer amongst them." One of the Indian doctors acquainted 
Lawson with a large quantity of medicines that were produced in 
those parts. 11 

After remaining several days at Sapona Lawson's party made 
a two days trip to the westward. The country became more moun- 
tainous and many streams were crossed. At a distance of some 
thirty or forty miles west of the Yadkin they reached the town of 
the Keyauwees, situated five miles northwest of a rocky river called 
the Heighwaree. Near the town was another stream. The land 
was "more mountainous, but extremely pleasant and an excellent 
place for the breeding (of) sheep, goats, and horses or mules." 
The valleys were very fertile. The village of the Keyauwees was 
encircled by high mountains, and large cornfields adjoined the 
cabins of the savages. ISTo grass grew upon the high cliffs and 
the growth of trees upon them was sparse. The earth in this 
region was of a reddish color, which Lawson said signfied the 
presence of minerals. 

The Keyauwees received the travelers with hospitality. Lawson 
lodged at the house of Keyauwees Jack, a Congaree Indian, who 
had obtained the chieftainship through marriage with the queen, 
for among the Indians descent was counted on the female side. 
The Keyauwees were unique in that most of them wore mustaches 
or whiskers — a habit rarely practiced by Indians. 12 

Two or three days were spent with the Keyauwees. Most of the 
members of Lawson's party desired to go straightway to Virginia, 
but he was determined to continue his course to the coast of North 
Carolina. He and one companion, therefore, bade farewell to the 
rest of the group. On the third day's journey, after passing over 
many waters and through rich lands, they reached the Haw River, 
whence they made their way to the coast of the province. 13 

Lawson did not penetrate the wilderness as far westward as the 
Catawba nation. ISTor did he learn anything of the powerful 

"Lawson, 84-85. 
12 Lawson, 87-91. 
13 Lawson, 92-105. 

A Colonial History of Rowan County 9 

Cherokees who lived beyond the mountains and who at a future 
date were to make incursions into the settlements, bringing devasta- 
tion and destruction with them. The Saponas, Keyauwees, and 
Toteros combined with several small tribes and removed to Vir- 
ginia soon after Lawson's departure. After dwelling in Virginia, 
a few miles north of the Eoanoke, for twenty-five years, they 
returned to Carolina and lived with the Catawbas. 14 


The Settlements and Boundaries of Rowan County 

The exact date of the appearance of settlers in Rowan County 
cannot be determined. "We have already seen that long before the 
cabin of a permanent settler was erected traders from Virginia 
frequented the region in order to barter with the Indians. The 
chief contributors to the population were the Scotch-Irish Presby- 
terians from the north of Ireland, the Germans, usually known as 
Pennsylvania Dutch, who adhered to the tenets of the Lutheran 
and German Reformed Churches, and the Moravians, or United 
Brethren, from Moravia and Bohemia. Prom time to time men 
belonging to no one of these groups came to the frontier, but such 
settlers formed a small part of the total number of inhabitants. 

The Scotch-Irish were the most active and probably the most 
numerous part of the population. These people were Scotch in 
blood, being descendants of the Scotch whom the English rulers 
had placed on the confiscated lands of Irish rebels in the Province 
of Ulster, in north Ireland, during the seventeenth century. To 
distinguish them from the natives of Scotland they have received 
the name of Scotch-Irish. 1 Some forty years prior to the out- 
break of the Revolutionary "War they began to flock to America. 
Foote, in his "Sketches of North Carolina," assigns their migra- 
tion to three causes, namely : religion, politics, and property. 2 Dis- 
abilities were imposed upon them because they were not members 
of the established church of Ireland; they desired niore political 

14 Ashe, 180. 
Toote, 84-90. 
2 Foote, 120. 

10 James Spbunt Historical Publications 

liberty than they enjoyed in the old world; and the ease with which 
land could be obtained in America was a third powerful incentive 
to their coming hither. 3 

Some came to Charleston and pushed into the frontier country 
from that place, but most of them landed in Pennsylvania and, 
after making some settlements in that province, turned southward, 
and by 1739 located in the Valley of Virginia. 4 The administra- 
tion in Virginia was constantly opposed to religious freedom. Earl 
Granville disposed of his lands in Carolina upon favorable terms, 
for he desired to increase their value by rapid settlement. 5 There- 
fore, influenced by the inviting nature of the climate and soil, the 
peacefulness of the Catawba Indians and the laxity of ISTorth Caro- 
lina laws in comparison with those of Virginia on the subject of 
religion, the Scotch-Irish passed through the vacant lands in Vir- 
ginia, in the neighborhood of their countrymen, and made homes 
for themselves in western North Carolina. As early as 1740 a few 
families were located on the Hico, Eno, and Haw rivers in the 
territory just east of Bowan. 6 

By the year 1745 the Scotch-Irish had established themselves in 
the fertile and well-watered area between the Yadkin and the 
Catawba, and previous to 1750 their settlements were scattered 
throughout the region from Virginia to Georgia. 7 The Scotch- 
Irish settled mainly in the country west of the Yadkin. Among 
these immigrants were the ISTesbits, Allisons, Brandons, Luckeys, 
Lockes, McCullochs, Grahams, Cowans, Barrs, McKenzies, An- 
drews, Osbornes, Sharpes, Boones, McLauchlins, and Halls. 8 The 
Scotch-Irish have ever been known as a religious, brave, and 
liberty-loving people. Among other families from the British Isles 
who appeared in Powan at an early date we find the names of 
Cathey, McCorkle, Morrison, Linville, Davidson, Reese, Hughes, 
Pamsay, Brevard, Winslow, Dickey, Braley, Moore, Emerson, 
Kerr, Pankin, Torrence, Templeton, Houston, Hackett, Ruther- 
ford, Lynn, Gibson, Frohock, Smith, Bryan, Little, Long, Steele, 
Bell, Macay, Miller, Blackburn, Craige, Stokes, Caldwell, Dunn, 
Gillespie, and many others. 

nVilliamson, 70-71. 

4 Ashe, 276. 

6 Williamson, 71. 

"Col. Rec, V, 1193. 

'Ashe, 276 ; Col. Rec, V, 1193. 

s Rumple, 24. 

A Colonial History of Eowan County 11 

The Scotch-Irish were soon followed by another stream of im- 
migrants — the Germans who had previously located in Pennsyl- 
vania. The route which the German and Scotch-Irish settlers took 
in making the overland journey from Pennsylvania to western 
North Carolina is described by Colonel Saunders as follows : 

On Jeffrey's map, a copy of which is in the Congressional Library at 
Washington City, there is plainly laid down a road called "the Great 
Road from the Yadkin River through Virginia to Philadelphia, distant 
435 miles." It ran from Philadelphia through Lancaster and York to 
Winchester, thence up the Shenandoah Valley, crossing the Fluvanna 
River to Looney's Ferry, thence to Staunton River, and down the river 
through the Blue Ridge, thence southward, crossing Dan River below 
the mouth of Mayo River, thence still southward near the Moravian 
settlement to the Yadkin River, just above the mouth of Linville Creek 
and about ten miles above the mouth of Reedy Creek.s 

The Germans did not extend their settlements quite so far west 
as the Scotch-Irish did. They were industrious and economical 
in their habits and formed a valuable part of the population. As 
the laws were written and expounded in English and all public 
business was transacted in that language, the Germans were in- 
capable, in most instances, of participating in public affairs. 10 
The process whereby they were naturalized was the taking of 
several oaths prescribed by law and the repeating and subscribing 
of the test. The test, as entered on the court records of the county, 
was in this form : 

I, A. B., do believe in my conscience that there is not any transub- 
stantiation in the sacrament of the Lord's Supper or in the elements of 
bread and wine at or after the consecration thereof by any person what- 
soever. 11 

Among the early German settlers appear the names of Bern- 
hardt, Heilig, Meisenheimer, Beard, Mull, Bintelman (Eendle- 
man), Layrle (Lyerly), Kuhn (Coon), Friese, Eisenhauer, Suther, 
Winecoff, Cress, Walcher, Harkey, Savitz, Henkel, Moser, Braun 
(Brown), Lingle, Eisher, Berger, Lippard, Peeler, Holtzhauer, 
Kluttz, Eoseman, Eoet, Shupping, Beam, and Buin. 

9 Col. Rec, IV, xxi. 

"Rumple, 29. 

"Col. Rec, VII, 521-522. 

12 James Sprukt Historical Publications 

Other settlers from Virginia and the north came by a route fur- 
ther east that passed through the section now embraced by Caswell 
County. 12 

Immigrants poured into the western country very rapidly. In 
1751 Governor Johnston informed the Board of Trade that set- 
tlers flocked into the province daily, mostly from Pennsylvania 
and other parts of America, but some from Europe. Many thou- 
sands had then come in and settled mainly in the west so that they 
had almost reached the mountains. In 1746 Matthew Rowan esti- 
mated that there were not more than one hundred fighting men in 
the entire western part of the province between Virginia and 
South Carolina. Seven years later he thought that there were 
then at least three thousand fighting men in the same territory, 
and stated that their numbers were increasing rapidly. These 
settlers were for the most part "Irish-Protestants" (Scotch-Irish) 
and Germans. 13 

These settlers, coming as they did in groups, locatd in neighbor- 
hoods to themselves, forming respectively Scotch-Irish and German 
communities, scattered throughout the wilderness, and maintain- 
ing their own customs, speech, and characteristics, and largely 
transmitting them to posterity. 14 

About 1750, Quakers from the north located at ISTew Garden, in 
what is now Guilford County, and from time to time were joined 
by others of that sect so that a distinctly Quaker settlement was 
formed there. 15 

The bitter persecutions which they suffered in their native lands 
of Moravia and Bohemia for the sake of their religion and the 
desire to preach "the pure gospel of love" to the inhabitants of 
America and to preach to the Indians prompted the Moravians to 
seek homes in the western world. The Moravians were well known 
for their thrift and industry, and Earl Granville, who desired to 
people his grant in North Carolina with worthy settlers, made 
them a liberal offer. 16 

In the autumn and winter of 1752, Bishop Spangenberg, who 
was sent by the Unitas Fratum, or Moravian Church, to select a 

^Ashe, 277. 

13 Col. Rec, IV, xxi; Col. Rec. , V, 24, 25. 

14 Ashe, 277. 

"Weeks, 104-105. 

10 Clewell, 1-3. 

A Colonial History of Rowan County 13 

place for their settlement, made an extensive tour of western North 
Carolina. Leaving Edenton in September, on November 12th he 
camped on the Catawba near what he called the "Indian Pass." 
The nearest cabin was that of Jonathan "Weiss, or Perrot, a hunter, 
twenty miles distant. The bishop found a number of hunters in 
the vicinity who lived like Indians and secured furs and skins for 
sale. A week later he was near Quaker Meadows, about two miles 
from where the town of Morganton now stands, which he consid- 
ered to be fifty miles beyond the settlements. Bands of Cherokees 
pursuing game filled the woods. Continuing his course northward, 
he found remains which indicated that Indians had inhabited the 
country in earlier times. 17 

It being in the beginning of winter and his guide mistaking the 
way, Spangenberg's party entered the mountains where they 
endured great hardships and difficulties owing to the severity of 
the weather. Happening upon a branch of New River, they fol- 
lowed that stream to within fifteen miles of the Virginia line. 
Then, with the aid of a compass, they traveled directly southeast 
through the wilderness and finally reached the Yadkin River, after 
having been lost in the Blue Ridge Mountains for two weeks. 
Here— a few miles from the present town of Wilkesboro — they 
rested with a Welshman named Owen, who had built his cabin far 
from the settlements. Spangenberg understood that there was no 
other habitation within sixty miles. 18 

On December 27, the bishop reached the site of Wachovia, on 
Muddy Creek, in the present county of Forsyth. He surveyed 
about 73,000 acres of land. Spangenberg's Journal says "the most 
of this land is level and plain, the air fresh and healthy, and the 
water good." 19 More land was afterwards added, so that in August, 
1753, Earl Granville conveyed 98,985 acres to the Moravians. 20 
The grant received the name of the "Wachovia Tract" in honor 
of one of the titles of Count Zinzendorf, a leader of the Moravian 
Church of Austria. 21 

On April 3, 1753, a petition bearing the signatures of 348 of 
the inhabitants of the upper and frontier portions of Anson 

"Col. Rec, V, 1 et seq.; Ashe, 278 ; Clewell, 6-9. 
ls Col. Rec, V, 1-14; Ashe, 278-279 ; Clewell, 8-9. 
19 Col. Rec, V, 14. 
20 Clewell, 12. 
21 Bernheim, 156. 

14 James Spbunt Historical Publications 

County, which comprehended most of the western part of North 
Carolina, was read in the lower house of the General Assembly. 
The petitioners set forth the great difficulties they had to undergo 
in traveling the vast distance to the courthouse of Anson County 
and prayed that the frontier section of the county he erected into 
a new one. 22 Two days later Mr. Sampson introduced a bill to 
this effect, and the bill in its final form received the assent of 
Matthew Rowan, the acting governor, on April 12th. 23 The sec- 
tion of the act defining the boundaries of the new county, which 
was named in honor of Matthew Rowan, read as follows: 

Be it enacted . . . that Anson County be divided by a line, to 
begin where Anson line was to cross Earl Granville's line, and from 
thence, in a direct line north, to the Virginia line, and that the said 
county be bounded to the north by the Virginia line, and to the south 
by the southermost line of Earl Granville's land; and that the upper 
part of said county, so laid off and divided, be erected into a county and 
parish, by the name of Rowan County and St. Luke's Parish; and that 
all the inhabitants of the westward of the said line, and included 
within the before-mentioned boundaries, shall belong and appertain to 
Rowan County. 

The design was to include in Rowan all that part of Anson 
which lay within Earl Granville's tract, that is, all north of lati- 
tude 35° 34' as far north as the Virginia line. As near as can be 
determined, the eastern boundary of the new county was a line 
running north and south along the eastern boundaries of the pres- 
ent counties of Randolph, Guilford, and Rockingham. The south- 
ern boundary line, beginning at the southeast corner of Randolph, 
ran due west along Earl Granville's line, on the south side of Ran- 
dolph, Davidson, Rowan, and Iredell, as they now exist, to the 
Catawba River a short distance above Beattie's Ford, thence due 
west, cutting into Lincoln County and running a few miles north 
of Lincolnton, through Cleveland and Rutherford, through Hick- 
ory ISTut Gap, and on through Buncombe, Haywood, Jackson, 
Macon, and Cherokee, and on to the westward indefinitely. Ac- 
cording to the terms of the act Rowan extended as far west as the 
South Seas. At the time, however, the region west of the moun- 

22 Col. Rec, V, 59-60. 
23 Col. Rec, V, 53. 
24 State Rec, XXIII, 390. 

A Colonial History of Rowan County 15 

tains was unknown and the French territory of Louisiana practi- 
cally made the Mississippi River the western limit. 25 

In 1754, the act to establish Rowan County was revoked by 
George II simultaneously with the acts establishing Orange and 
Cumberland, which had been passed a short time before. Arthur 
Dobbs, the newly arrived governor, in a letter to the Board of 
Trade, dated November 9, 1754, recommended that such be done. 26 
The reasons assigned for the revocation of these acts are that the 
General Assembly had begun to exercise more authority than was 
entirely agreeable to the royal government in England, and by the 
establishment of new counties the Assembly was increased in mem- 
bership too rapidly. 27 In 1756 the Assembly itself repealed the 
act creating Rowan. 2S In the same year, however, with the con- 
sent of the king, Rowan, Orange, and Cumberland were reestab- 
lished with the same boundaries and limits as formerly, and all 
deeds and conveyances of land made during the period of the revo- 
cation were declared valid. 29 Salisbury had already been selected 
as the county-seat of Rowan and a village had commenced to grow 
up there. 30 

In the autumn of the year in which the Wachovia Tract was 
conveyed to the Moravians the first colonists, twelve unmarried 
Brethren, came overland from Bethlehem, Pennsylvania, where a 
strong Moravian settlement existed, and founded Bethabara. The 
group consisted of the Rev. Bernhard Adam Grube, the pastor, 
Jacob Loesch (Lash), the warden or business manager, Dr. Hans 
Martin Kalberlahn, a physician, Hans Peterson, a tailor, Christo- 
pher Merkly, a baker, Herman Loesch (Lash), a farmer, Erich 
Ingebretsen, a carpenter, Johannes Lisher, a farmer, Henrich 
Feldhausen, a carpenter, Jacob Lung, a gardener, Friedrich Jacob 
Pfeil, a shoemaker and tanner, and Jacob Beroth, a farmer. 31 The 
zeal with which the Moravians labored in their new home is best 
described by Dr. Clewell. 

During the first year not less than fifty acres of land had been pre- 
pared for farming purposes. They recognized that, in this sparsely set- 

26 Rumple, 32-33. 

26 Col. Rec, V, 151. 

27 Rumple, 34-35. 

28 State Rec, XXIII, 446-447. 

^State Rec, XXIII, 470-471. 

30 Col. Rec, V, 355. 

31 Clewell, 13-31. 

16 James Sprunt Historical Publications 

tied section, it would be difficult to secure provisions, hence at the very 
outset they began to raise cattle and to plant a variety of grain for 
their future use and comfort. In the first summer they gathered wheat, 
corn, flax, millet, barley, oats, buckwheat, turnips, cotton and tobacco, 
in addition to the garden vegetables. Fruit trees were planted and va- 
rious kinds of medicinal herbs. . . . Diversity of industries is said 
to be the real test of the prosperity of a place. In 1754, with the great 
strain of clearing land and building houses, we find the record of trade 
commenced with their neighbors, and the notes indicate that they had 
in operation the following: Carpenter shop, shoe shop, tailor establish- 
ment, tannery, pottery, cooper shop, blacksmith shop. 32 

In October, 1755, two years after the establishment of Rowan 
County and St. Luke's Parish, upon the request of the Moravians 
of Wachovia, the Assembly passed an act creating Wachovia into 
a separate and distinct parish with all the privileges and immuni- 
ties which the other parishes of the province enjoyed. The new 
parish was called Dobbs in honor of the Governor. 33 

In 1759 eight married couples from Bethabara and others 
founded Bethania, three miles northwest of Bethabara. Settlers 
continued to come to Wachovia. In 1766 the settlement of Salem 
was begun. 34 A few years later Friedberg, which had gradually 
grown up in southern Wachovia, and Friedland, in the southeast 
of the tract, which was partly settled by Germans from Broad 
Bay in the present State of Maine, were formally set off and recog- 
nized. 35 

The growth of Rowan in population was continual and rapid 
from the beginning, except during the Indian wars of 1759-60, 
when the Cherokees devastated the outlying settlements. At that 
time immigration almost ceased. 36 The immigrants obtained titles 
to Earl Granville's lands through his agents, Francis Corbin and 
James Innes. 37 The land offices in his territory were closed at his 
death in 1763. 38 The offices remained closed until 1773, when 
Governor Josiah Martin was appointed agent. 39 In the confusion 
existent just before the Revolution the taking out of grants, how- 

32 Clewell, 24-25. 

33 Col. Rec, V, 558; State Rec. XXIII, 438-9 ; Fries, 22-25. 

34 Fries, 26, 28. 

36 Clewell, 76-79. 

36 Ashe, 303. 

"Rumple, 34. 

38 Ashe, 320. 

39 Ashe, 410. 

A Colonial History of Rowan County 17 

ever, does not seem to have been resumed. Despite the fact that 
no titles to land could be obtained after 1763 settlers continued 
to move into the Granville tract. Much discontent arose among 
the inhabitants, some dreading the expected reopening of the land 
offices because of the abuses of the agents, and others being dis- 
pleased because they could not obtain title to the lands improved 
by their efforts. 40 It was during this time that the Jersey Settle- 
ment on the east side of the Yadkin, some nine miles from Salis- 
bury, was made by settlers from ISTew Jersey. 41 

Prior to Granville's death the quarrel which had arisen between 
him and Henry McCulloh was settled. Sixteen hundred square 
miles of land between the Uwharrie and the Catawba had been set 
aside from Henry McCulloh, who had received grants on the head- 
waters of the ISTeuse, Pee Dee, and Cape Fear rivers from the 
Crown about the year 1736. 42 As the land between the Uwharrie 
and the Catawba lay within Earl Granville's territory a disagree- 
ment as to ownership naturally resulted. The controversy was 
concluded by a compact that McCulloh should become Granville's 
tenant, and in lieu of all other rents, pay an annual sum of 400 
pounds from 1757 until 1760, after which date he was to pay 4 
shillings for every hundred acres retained by him, but was to 
reconvey and surrender to Granville all lands not then settled. 43 

About 1761 Henry E. McCulloh, his son, came to North Caro- 
lina and began to dispose of his father's lands in Rowan for reason- 
able prices. In four years time he disposed of and laid off all of 
his father's tracts in Rowan and gave deeds for the same to the 
purchasers. 44 

At the beginning of 1766 Governor Tryon said he thought that 
North Carolina was being settled faster than any other province, 
and that in the preceding autumn and winter about one thousand 
wagons with families accompanying them passed through Salis- 
bury. 40 As the population multiplied and settlements were made 
in the outlying parts of the county, the inhabitants of communities 
distant from the seat of government began to demand the erection 

*>Ashe, 320, 401. 

""Ashe, 380. 

^Ashe, 277, 253. 

43 Ashe, 292. 

""Col. Rec, VII, 15-16. 

""Col. Rec, VII, 248. \ 

18 James Sprunt Historical Publications 

of counties in their respective neighborhoods, in order that the 
administration of public affairs might be carried on with greater 
convenience. Bills were introduced in the Assemblies of 1766 and 
1768 to erect the western part of Orange and the eastern part of 
Rowan into a new county. These, however, failed to be enacted 
into law. 46 

In January, 1771, Griffith Rutherford, a member of the Assem- 
bly from Rowan, introduced a bill for ascertaining the boundary 
line between Rowan and the counties of Mecklenburg and Tryon, 
which lay to the south. 47 This measure was expedient because the 
settlers on the borders of the three counties refused to pay their 
taxes in any of them. Lord Granville's line had never been sur- 
veyed so far westward. Thomas Weal, Thomas Polk, Matthew 
Locke, Griffith Rutherford, and Peter Johnston were appointed to 
run the line, and the inferior courts of the three counties were 
authorized to levy a tax sufficient to defray the expense. 48 

At the same session the General Assembly recognized the urgent 
necessity of setting up new counties within the vast territory em- 
braced by Rowan. A bill was passed establishing Guilford County 
and Unity Parish in the region lying between Salisbury and Hills- 
boro. 49 Guilford, which was named for Francis Worth, Earl of 
Guilford, and father of Lord North, Prime Minister of George III 
during the Revolution, was composed of territory taken from 
Rowan and Orange. The portion taken from Rowan was that 
which now makes up the counties of Guilford, Rockingham, and 
Randolph. John Pryor, Edmund Fanning, Alexander Martin, 
Matthew Locke, John Dunn, Griffith Rutherford, and John Camp- 
bell were appointed a committee with authority to run the lines 
and contract with workmen for the building of the courthouse, 
prison, and stocks for Guilford County. 50 

Another act passed by the same Assembly established Surry 
County and St. Jude's Parish in the north of Rowan. 51 Surry 
was named in honor of Lord Surrey, a prominent member of Par- 
liament who opposed the taxation of the American colonies by 

^Col. Rec, VII, 325, 364, 915, 929. 
47 Col. Rec, VIII, 422-423, 384. 
""State Rec, XXIII, 841-842. 
49 Col. Rec, VIII, 363. 
B0 State Rec, XXIII, 823-826. 
51 Col. Rec, VIII, 380. 

A Colonial History of Rowan County 19 

that body. Governor Tryon considered these acts very timely be- 
cause of the too great extent of Rowan. He declared that the 
creation of Guilford out of Rowan and Orange was "a truly politi- 
cal act," for it separated the main body of the Regulators from 
Orange and put them in the new county. 52 

By the act of January, 1771, the boundary between Rowan and 
Surry began at a point in the Guilford line forty-two miles north 
of the Granville line, and ran due west parallel to the southern 
limit of Granville's tract. 53 This line split the Wachovia Tract, 
or Dobbs Parish, into halves to the disadvantage of the Moravians. 
The inhabitants of Dobbs Parish found it more convenient to 
transact their business in and to attend the courts of Surry County. 
Accordingly they petitioned the Assembly to pass a law including 
the entire Wachovia Tract in Surry. 54 Although it was asserted 
that such alteration of the boundary would "greatly facilitate the 
inhabitants of the north part of Rowan and enable the people of 
Surry to erect their public buildings," the lower house rejected a 
bill for the alteration of the line at its meeting in December, 
1771. 55 

In 1773 the request of the residents of Wachovia was acceded 
to. The Assembly enacted that the line between Rowan and Surry 
should begin at a point in the line dividing Guilford and Rowan 
counties, thirty-six miles north of the southeast corner of Rowan, 
and run west to the range separating the waters of the Yadkin and 
Catawba rivers, and thence follow that ridge and the mountains 
northward to the Virginia line. The boundary was parallel to 
the southern line of the Granville grant save where the bounds of 
Wachovia interfered, all of this tract being included in the county 
of Surry, and Dobbs Parish being established separate and dis- 
tinct from St. Jude's. A committee was appointed to ascertain 
the boundaries and take charge of the erection of the public build- 
ings of Surry. Griffith Rutherford, Anthony Hampton, John 
Braby, Robert Lanier, and Christian Ruiter were the members of 
the committee. 56 During the following year, as the work on the 

B2 Col. Rec, VIII, 527. 

B3 State Rec, XXIII, 844-846. 

M Col. Rec, IX, 47. 

55 Col. Rec, IX, 153-190. 

^Col. Rec, IX, 443, 583 ; State Rec, XXIII, 906-907. 

20 James Sprunt Historical Publications 

public buildings was unfinished and a majority of the commis- 
sioners resided in Rowan, a new commission composed of residents 
of Surry was chosen by the Assembly. 57 

The attempts to establish a county in western Rowan were un- 
successful, though Rutherford proposed bills for that purpose in 
1771 and 1773. 58 By 1771 the western settlements had reached 
far into the mountains. Many of the settlers lived more than one 
hundred miles from Salisbury, and as there were no magistrates 
among the far outlying settlements the administration of the laws 
in those parts was a matter of great difficulty. 59 

During colonial times the only records regularly kept of the 
number of inhabitants were those computed in terms of the tax- 
ables. A taxable was a white male above sixteen years of age or 
a negro or mulatto slave of either sex above twelve years. 60 The 
returns for 1754 show that the number of taxables in Rowan one 
year after its organization were 1,170, 1,116 being whites and 54 
blacks. 61 Thirteen years later the number of taxables had in- 
creased to 3,643. 63 The population continued to grow proportion- 
ately. The people of Rowan were sturdy, hardy, industrious, 
brave and enterprising, and did their "bit" in laying foundations 
for the new nation that was to be born in the western world. 


Colonial Salisbury 

The first Court of Pleas and Quarter Sessions met somewhere 
in the county in June, 1753. The place of its meeting is un- 
known. 1 The court chose a site for the public buildings of Rowan, 
and Edward Hughes was directed to obtain a grant of forty acres 
from Earl Granville's agents for this purpose. John Dunn and 
John Whitsett were appointed to see that the land was laid off in 
a suitable manner, and the latter was awarded the contract for 

B7 Col. Rec, IX, 927; State Rec, XXIII, 973. 

B8 Col. Rec, IX, 116, 117, 461, 506. 

B9 Col. Rec, IX, 91-92. 

ao Col. Rec, VII, 487. 

el Col. Rec, V, 152, 320, 575. 

62 Col. Rec, VII, 539. 

Rumple, 35. 

A Colonial History of Rowan County 21 

building the courthouse. This house, the court directed, should 
be of framework, weatherboarded, thirty feet long and twenty 
wide, a story and a half high, with two floors, the lower one raised 
two feet above the ground. It was to be provided with an oval 
bar and a bench raised three feet from the floor. There was to be 
a good window behind the bench, with glass in it, and a window 
near the middle of each side, and a door in the end opposite the 
bench. 2 

The deed for the township lands is dated February 11, 1755. 
On that day William Churton and Richard Yigers, Granville's 
agents, conveyed 635 acres of land for "Salisbury Township" to 
James Carter and Hugh Foster, trustees for Rowan County. The 
land upon which the public buildings had been erected was in- 
cluded in this tract. 3 Salisbury received its name from Salisbury, 
England, on the banks of the Avon River. 4 Dr. Rumple says that 
the courthouse was not completed before 1756, although the jail, 
pillory, and stocks were finished and in use before that date. 5 
Governor Dobbs, however, who passed through Salisbury in the 
summer of the preceding year, found the town just laid out, the 
courthouse built and seven or eight log houses erected. 6 In 1755 
and 1756 John Ryle, John Lewis Beard, Peter Arrand, Jacob 
Francks, Archibald Craige, James Bower, and Thomas Bashford 
and Robert Gillespie were licensed to conduct ordinaries, or inns, 
in Salisbury. 7 Among the other early residents of the town appear 
James Alexander, who died there in 1754, John Dunn, an Irish- 
man, and an Oxford man, "William Temple Cole, who conducted 
an inn, and John and Thomas Frohock. 

As most of the settlers built their homes where they could ob- 
tain large and fertile farms, the growth of Salisbury was slow. In 
early times it was composed of the public buildings, the residences 
of some of the county officials, a store or two, a hatter shop, a 
blacksmith shop, and a few inns. Nevertheless, Salisbury was a 
place of considerable importance. Here the county courts, the 

2 Rumple, 44-47. 
3 Rumple, 47. 
"Hunter, 166. 
'Rumple, 46. 
e Col. Rec, V, 355. 
'Rumple, 42. 

22 James Sprttnt Historical Publications 

courts of oyer and terminer and general jail delivery, and the 
Superior Courts of the western counties were held. 8 

In 1766 Salisbury returned its first member to the Assembly as 
a borough town. 9 

In 1770 a special statute was passed by the Assembly called "An 
act for regulating Salisbury." The preamble stated that the town 
had "a healthy, pleasant situation, well watered, and convenient 
for inland trade." It was enacted that the county courts and the 
superior courts for the District of Salisbury and all public elec- 
tions should thenceforth be held at Salisbury. The sheriff, the 
clerk of the court for the county, and the register were required 
to maintain their offices in the town. The citizens were required, 
under penalty of fine, to clear, repair and pave the streets when- 
ever it was deemed necessary, and they were forbidden to throw 
rubbish into them. Such citizens as allowed their "hogs, shoats, 
or pigs" to run at large in the town should pay 20 shillings procla- 
mation money to the party whose property was damaged thereby, 
and forfeit the hogs. It was lawful for any one to kill swine run- 
ning at large. 

In order to afford protection against fires, every householder was 
compelled to keep two "sufficient" leather buckets and a ladder 
always ready for use. The title to the burying ground was vested 
in a body of commissioners appointed by the act. Immoderate 
riding and driving were prohibited under penalty of 5 shillings. 
All persons owning land within the original plan of the town and 
adjoining either side of Corbin and Innes streets, the two main 
streets of the village, were required to build a "house, twenty-four 
feet by sixteen feet in the clear, of brick, stone, or hewed logs, 
with either a good brick or a stone chimney," within three years 
after the passage of the act. Failure to do so entailed a forfeiture 
of the land to the town. Those persons owning a lot or part of a 
lot adjoining the two streets running parallel to Corbin and Innes 
streets were required to build a house of like dimensions within 
four years. It was provided, however, that these conditions should 
not be construed to affect or invalidate the claim of any infant or 
married woman. 

"Rumple, 61-63. 

9 N. 0. Manual (1913), 381. 

A Colonial History of Rowan County 23 

I j i I 

All persons in Salisbury, including servants, slaves, and trav- 
elers, were allowed free access to all springs and natural fountains 
of water in the town and the town common, and trees standing 
upon the town common could be cut down by any person for sale 
or use. The town commissioners were authorized to select and 
lay out a suitable place for a market and other public buildings. 

William Steele, John Dunn, Maxwell Chambers, John Lewis 
Beard, Thomas Trohock, William Temple Cole, Matthew Troy, 
Peter Rep, James Kerr, Alexander Martin, and Daniel Little were 
appointed town commissioners. They were to hold office for life. 
In case of removal of any commissioner the county court had 
power to appoint his successor. Other provisions in the interest of 
government and sanitation were included in the act. 10 

All acts passed before the Revolution for building new public 
buildings in Salisbury in place of the old resulted in failure. In 
1764 a poll tax was laid on the taxables of Rowan, Anson, and 
Mecklenburg, the counties which composed Salisbury District, for 
repairing the jail and building a wall around the same and for 
erecting a jailer's house. 11 Laws passed by the Assembly in 1766 
and 1771 for building a new jail, pillory, and stocks were not car- 
ried out, the War of the Regulation preventing their execution. 12 
In 1771 the courthouse at Salisbury was said to be "greatly de- 
cayed and in so ruinous a condition that courts cannot be held 
there." A committee was appointed to contract with workmen for 
building a new courthouse on the site of the old one, and a tax was 
laid on the taxables of Salisbury District for this purpose. 13 As 
the tax authorized was insufficient, an additional tax was laid on 
the people of Rowan County. The commissioners being residents 
of different counties and living at a great distance from each 
other these efforts came to naught. Another committee, appointed 
in 1774, likewise failed to perform the trust reposed in them, and 
the old courthouse continued in use. 14 

The members of the Assembly from the borough of Salisbury 
were John Mitchell (1766-1768), John Dunn (1769 and 1770- 
1771), and Hugh Montgomery (January, 1773, and 1773-1774). 

"State Rec, XXIII, 810-813. 
"State Rec, XXIII, 621-622. 
"State Rec, XXIII, 750-752, 863. 
"State Rec, XXIII, 866. 
"State Rec, XXIII, 927, 971-972. 

-4 Jaiees Spbunt Historical Publications 

The members in the Provincial Congresses were "William Ken- 
non (August, 1774). Hugh Montgomery, and Robert Rowan (Au- 
gust. 1775). and David Xisbet (April, 1776 ). 15 


Relations with the Indians 

The contest between England and France for supremacy in 
North America, which had ceased for the time being with the 
treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle in 1748, was renewed in 1754. Most of 
the tribes of Xorth America were in alliance with the enemy. 
The frontier of Xorth Carolina was placed in a very precarious 
situation. At the begi nnin g of the war the Cherokees and Ca- 
tawbas were friendly to the frontiersmen, but soon the savages 
began to molest the whites. There was great uneasiness among 
the people of Anson and Rowan because they did not know at 
what moment the Indians might take up the tomahawk against 
the settlements. 

Early in the year 1754 1.000 pounds in proclamation money — 
that is, in money which was issued by the provincial government 
and which was greatly depreciated in value — was appropriated to 
buy arms for the poorer inhabitants of Rowan and Anson. 1 The 
expenditure of this money was entrusted to commissioners in the 
two counties. 'James Carter and .John Brandon being the commis- 
sioners in Rowan. 2 The co mmi ssioners wasted a part of the sum 
and neglected to apply all of it for the purpose designated. The 
final result of the misuse of these public funds was that the bonds 
given for the faithful execution of the trust were put to suit. In 
Xovember, 1757, James Carter was expelled from his seat in the 
Assembly as member for Rowan, and in the following year judg- 
ments were obtained against the commissioners and their sureties 
for the amounts unaccounted for. 3 

In May. 1754, complaints were made by the magistrates and 

"W.C Manual 1913), 381, 408. 

■\ : '-.- . f,ios 

: S:i:~ Bee XXIII. 394. 
«CW Bee- V. 892. 1082 

A Co&osiax Histost :t Boreas Coxtstt i: 

militia officers of Rowan that a party :t Indians, supposed tc 
have been Catawbas. tad committed several gross abuses :r_ die 

people of Rowan and An > r>n> Alexander L'sztraie and . noes 
Carter were directed by the Assembly tc investigate the alleged 
grievances and to represent the same to die Indians. In August 
they consulted with. King Hagier and ::it? — arriors ::' the Ca- 
tawba nation at the house ::' Matthew _ : :_e. ~_: :. ~-:- I a inter- 
preter. It developed that s:r_e ::' the youn ■ warriors :t Ibe Car 
tawbas had been guilty ::' aome misconduct, King TTagfer bud the 
blame for their actions upon die whites whs ?:.a K strong spirits 
to the braves. The Catawbaa promised :: give assistance tc the 
Xorth Carolinians and Virginians in sase die war Bontinned 

A few weeks later Matthew Rowan, w he as president ::' the 
Council acted as governor luring die interim bet een Gabriel 
Johnston's death and Arthur 17':':: 5' arrival, :r:-:~f: intelligence 
from Colonel Clark, of Anson, that sixteen whites bad :eer_ mur- 
dered and ten carried into captivity by Indians. _ hereug m Rowan 
sent the available supply of powder and lead tc the frontier and 
ordered Colonel Smith, the co m -mar -"--.-- :— :er ::' Rowan '. ::v:.-~. 
to cooperate with. Colonel Clark.' Fhese facta serve te ;a - e in 
idea of the state of uncertain— prevalent in the — ^r 

The defeat of General Braddoek by the French and Indiana 00 
the Alonongahela in July. 17: 5, left the western frontier :t the 
southern colonies at tne mercy of tne hostile Tndians. Fhe te~5 
of the defeat reached Gorernor I >bbs while _e — aa inspecting 
conditions in tne frontier eountrv. He summoned the field ifaeera 
of tne militia of Rowan and Anson tc r_ee~ him at me Yaikin 
At tne meeting he ordered that n:': _ ::' the m:s: active men ::' die 
militia of each county be placed under the command ::' ' aptain 
Hugh "VTaddelL He also directed that "he mili tia should ;:m 
^aidell when necessary, and that Waddeil sii a! i assist them in 
case of an incursion." Cat "tit. WaddeD was a- -he west at this 
time in charge of a company ::' frontiersmen. 8 Thoogh he was 
not a resident of Rowan he owned land in the Bounty and was 

•Col ttco V 1T5-1T6 

; _~:'. Kee^ V. 141 '.' t*f 
■Osl Bet, V. 1444 
T CoL See. V \ 5 2 
5 Ashe. aS9 

26 James Sprunt Historical Publications 

prominently connected with public affairs in the west for a con- 
siderable time. 9 

Upon his return to New Bern in September Dobbs addressed 
the Assembly in regard to the dismal state of affairs existing in 
the western counties. He asked that body to grant aid for the 
defense of the distressed inhabitants of the frontier and for offen- 
sive warfare against the enemy, and recommended the erection of 
a fort for refuge to the settlers. He had chosen the site for such 
a fort between Third and Fourth creeks in Rowan during the 

In this emergency the Assembly willingly agreed to appropriate 
funds for the building of a fort on the western border. Fort 
Dobbs, as the stronghold was called, was built in 1756 under the 
supervision of Captain Waddell. 10 It stood on an eminence on 
Third Creek, good springs near by furnishing water for the garri- 
son. 11 Soon after its completion Richard Caswell and Francis 
Brown were sent by the Assembly to view the western settlements, 
to find sites for other fortifications, and to inspect Fort Dobbs. 
Their report included the following quotation : 

And that they had likewise viewed the State of Fort Dobbs, and 
found it to be a good and Substantial Building of the Dimentions fol- 
lowing (that is to say) The Oblong Square fifty-three feet by forty, the 
opposite Angles Twenty-four feet and Twenty-two, in height Twenty- 
four and a half feet as by the Plan annexed Appears, the Thickness of 
the Walls which are made of Oak Logs regularly diminished from six- 
teen Inches to Six, it contains three floors, and there may be discharged 
from each floor at one and the same time about one hundred Musketts; 
the same is beautifully situated in the fork of Fourth Creek, a Branch 
of the Yadkin River. And they also found under the command of Capt. 
Hugh Waddell Forty-six Effective men Officers and Soldiers, as by the 
List to the said Report Annexed Appears, the same being sworn to by 
the said Capt. in their Presence, the said Officers and Soldiers Appear- 
ing well and in Good Spirits) — Signed the 21st day of December, 1756. 

In the same year Captain Waddell entered into an offensive and 
defensive treaty with the Catawbas and Cherokees in behalf of 
the Assembly. Atta-Kulla-Kulla, of the Cherokeee nation, whom 

"Waddell, 32. 

10 Ashe, 291; Waddell, 30-31. 

"Ashe, 290. 

"Waddell, 35-36. 

A Colonial History of Rowan County 27 

Hewat "esteemed to be the wisest man of the nation and the most 
steady friend of the English," and Oraloswa, King Hagler, and 
others of the Catawba tribe, were the representatives of the In- 
dians who agreed to the compact. By one of the stipulations of 
the treaty IsTorth Carolina undertook to erect a fort for the pro- 
tection of the Catawbas. It is not known where this fort was 
built, but the location is thought to have been at Old Fort in 
McDowell County. 13 After making the treaty Waddell remained 
on the frontier with his command until November, 1757, when he 
took his seat in the Assembly as successor to James Carter. 14 
Captain Andrew Bailey was in command of another company 
employed in Rowan. 15 

Having endured some discomforts at the hands of the Indians 
and being disturbed by accounts of the massacre of their Brethren 
in Pennsylvania, the inhabitants of Bethabara, in Wachovia, forti- 
fied their town with stockades. This was done in July, 1756. 16 
An independent company of militia was formed by the Moravians 
for defense, and Jacob Loesch was commissioned as its captain. 17 

In 1757, after returning from a campaign in Virginia, a party 
of Catawbas robbed a wagon. They were followed and the stolen 
goods were retaken. Thereupon the Catawbas returned and in- 
sulted the Chief Justice, who was holding court in Salisbury. In 
May, 1758, a petition was read in the Assembly setting forth that 
murders recently committed on the Dan River in the northern 
part of Rowan County had caused the settlers of the forks of the 
Yadkin to abandon their settlements and praying that Captain 
Bailey, who had succeeded Waddell, and his company, or some 
other, be continued for their protection. 18 

The Cherokees, however, adhered to the provisions of the treaty 
of 1756. Hugh Waddell, who was now a major, led one hundred 
men from the western frontier on General Forbes's successful ex- 
pedition against Fort Duquesne in 1758. They were accompanied 
by a number of Cherokee warriors. 19 As a convenience to the 

ls Waddell, 32-33. 

"Col. Rec, V, 897-898 ; Waddell, 33. 

"Ashe, 291. 

le Clewell, 36-42. 

"Col. Rec, V, 810. 

18 Col. Rec, V, 1, 1010. 

19 Ashe, 291-292. 

28 James Sprunt Historical Publications 

Cherokee allies, commmissaries were appointed in the western 
counties to furnish necessaries for the Indians while passing to 
and from Virginia in the service of the colonies. George Smith 
was commissary for Rowan. 20 The reports of the Committee of 
Public Claims of the province show that others were allowed 
claims for furnishing provisions to the Indians during their tran- 
sit to and from Virginia. 21 Many Cherokees and Catawbas going 
north went through the Moravian communities, where they were 
provided with food and kindly treated. 22 

When returning from the campaign against Port Duquesne, 
worn out with fatigue, a party of the Cherokees seized a number 
of horses running wild in the backwoods of Virginia to aid them 
on their homeward journey. The backwoodsmen of that province 
fell upon them and killed twelve or fourteen of the warriors. This 
act provoked the Cherokees to hostility. 23 

In May, 1759, Governor Dobbs informed the Assembly that he 
had received expresses stating that several murders had been com- 
mitted by Indians, thought to have been Cherokees, on the western 
frontier. Major Waddell was given the commission of colonel and 
two companies of provincials to protect the inhabitants of the 
west. He was authorized to call out the militia of Anson, Rowan, 
and Orange if the Indian devastations should continue. In the 
autumn Governor Lyttleton of South Carolina conducted an expe- 
dition against the Cherokees. The provincials and 500 militia 
under Colonel Waddell were ordered to cooperate with Lyttleton. 
Though the great majority of the militia refused to march outside 
the borders of North Carolina, Waddell continued his march with 
the remainder until ordered back by Lyttleton, who patched up a 
peace with the Indians. 24 

ISTow the Indians burst upon the settlements with all their fury. 
Captain Ashe, in his "History of Worth Carolina," describes the 
situation in this manner : 

In October, 1759, the people who had made their homes on the waters 
of the Yadkin and Catawba heard with dismay that the Creeks and 

20 Col. Rec, V, 835, 853, 854. 

21 Col. Rec, V, 978 et seq. ; Col. Rec, VI, 210. 

22 Ashe, 290. 

23 Waddell, 63-64. 

24 Col. Rec, V, Hi. 

A Colonial History of Rowan County 29 

Cherokees, theretofore friendly, had declared war against the English. 
Bands of Indians began to pass the denies of the mountains and roam 
along the foothills. A reign of terror set in. Accounts of atrocities 
and butcheries and of destroyed homes came thick and fast to Salisbury 
and Bethabara. They were intensely harrowing, while some of the 
escapes were marvelous. Many brave men, reluctant to abandon their 
homes, fortified them with palisades, and forts or strong-houses were 
erected where neighboring families could assemble for safety. The men 
slept with their rifles at hand, and the most resolute were in dread of 
stealthy attack, of ambush, and of having their houses burned at night. 
It was then that Fort Defiance and other forts in that region were hastily 
constructed by the people. 

The narratives of those who escaped were heartrending, while many 
men, women and children fell victims to the cruel tomahawk of the 
merciless foe. Few particular accounts of these individual experiences 
have been preserved; but all the section west of the Catawba and of the 
upper Yadkin was desolated.-" 

On February 27, 1760, the Indians attacked Fort Dobbs, but 
were beaten off by the small garrison under Colonel "Waddell and 
Captain Bailey. 26 

Though atrocities were perpetrated in the immediate vicinity by 
the score Bethabara was not attacked. This village was a city of 
refuge to the distressed. For six weeks the Cherokees devastated 
the surrounding country and waited for an opportunity to assail 
the town. Once when a large body had stealthily surrounded the 
village, they retired at the sound of the village bell, fearing that 
they had been discovered. Again, under similar circumstances, 
they retired at the sound of the watchman's trumpet. By Easter, 
1760, the residents and refugees of Bethabara were secure, for 
400 soldiers had arrived at the town. 27 

After the reduction of Canada, Colonel Grant of the British 
Army was sent south to lead an expedition against the Cherokees. 
Early in 1761 he invaded their country by way of South Carolina 
and defeated the hostile Indians. The Cherokees sued for peace 
and the war came to an end. 28 

The end of the struggle was followed by rapid expansion to the 
west. In April, 1766, Governor Tryon wrote the Board of Trade 

^Ashe, 299-300. 
M Col. Rec, VI, 229-230. 
27 Ashe, 300-301. 
28 Hartm, Vol. II, 150-151. 

30 James Sprunt Historical Publications 

that Fort Dobbs was then in ruins, and the inhabitants of the 
province had extended their settlements upwards of seventy miles 
beyond the fort. 29 

In May of the following year Tryon went to Salisbury to have 
the boundary between the people of North Carolina and the Chero- 
kees marked out. The design was to separate their respective 
lands so as to put an end to the disputes between the whites and 
the Cherokees in the west, which had resulted in bloodshed more 
than once. At Salisbury Tryon was joined by John Rutherford, 
Robert Palmer, and John Frohock, who had been appointed to run 
the line. They were later joined by Alexander Cameron, Deputy 
Superintendent of Indian Affairs for the southern colonies. On 
May 21st they left Salisbury accompanied by detachments from 
the militia regiments of Rowan and Mecklenburg. 30 Colonel Hugh 
Waddell was in command of the escort. The staff officers were 
Edmund Fanning, adjutant general; Isaac Edwards, aide-de-camp 
to the governor; Captain William Frohock, commissary; and Rev. 
John Wills, chaplain. The detachment from each county num- 
bered thirty-two men, the one from Rowan being commanded by 
Lieutenant-Colonel John Frohock, and the one from Mecklenburg 
by Lieutenant-Colonel Moses Alexander. 31 Altogether, including 
servants, the party numbered ninety-six men. 32 On May 31st the 
Indians met Tryon and his escort, and the governor made a "talk" 
to them. Some of the band were sent back to Salisbury with an 
order for presents worth 175 pounds, which the Assembly had 
appropriated for the Indians as a sign of friendship. The Chero- 
kees honored Tryon by giving him the title of Ohiah Equah, or 
Great Wolf. 33 The meeting occurred in South Carolina. 

Tryon departed before the real work of running the line began. 
On June 4 the commisioners, with a guard of twenty men and the 
assistance of Cameron and Cherokee representatives, began the 
actual survey. They ran the line as far north as Tryon Mountain 
in the present county of Polk, south of the territory included in 
Rowan. 34 

29 Col. Rec, VII, 203. 

30 Haywood, 56-57. 

31 Col. Rec, VII, xiii, 991 ; Haywood, 57. 

32 Col. Rec, VII, 995. 

33 Haywood, 58. 

34 Haywood, 57-58. 

A Colonial History of Rowan County 31 


The Courts and Officials of Rowan County and 
Salisbury District 

Before the Revolution Salisbury was the judicial center of 
Western North Carolina. In addition to the county court of pleas 
and quarter sessions, the superior court of justice, and the court 
of oyer and terminer and general jail delivery for the western 
counties were held there. 

The court of pleas and quarter sessions had both judicial and 
administrative functions. It had jurisdiction over minor cases, 
and the local government of the county was vested in it. The 
court was composed of the justices of the county, and it assembled 
at the county-seat four times annually. As we have already seen, 
the court of pleas and quarter sessions met for the first time some- 
where in the county in June, 1753. The justices who presided 
over the courts during the first year were Walter Carruth, Thomas 
Lovelatty, James Carter, John Brandon, Alexander Cathey, 
Thomas Cook, Thomas Potts, George Smith, Andrew Allison, 
John Hanby, Alexander Osborne, James Tate, John Brevard, and 
Squire Boone, the father of the great hunter and explorer Daniel 
Boone, who was reared in Rowan County. 1 

The first court busied itself with registering the brands which 
the settlers employed in distinguishing their cattle and in select- 
ing a site for the public buildings. Constables were appointed to 
preserve the peace in the different sections of the county. 

The grand and petit juries for the first court were composed of 
Henry Hughey, John McCulloch, James Hill, John Burnett, 
Samuel Bryant, John McDowell, James Lambath, Henry Dow- 
land, Morgan Bryan, William Sherrill, William Morrison, and 
William Linvil. The county officers were Richard Hilliar, deputy 
attorney-general; John Dunn, clerk of court; James Carter, regis- 
ter; John Whitsett, treasurer; Francis Corbin, colonel of the 
Rowan regiment of foot; and Scotton Davis, captain in Corbin's 
regiment. 2 

a Rumple, 38. 
a Rumple, 39-41. 

32 James Sprunt Historical Publications 

In 1755 John Dunn and William Monat presented their com- 
missions as attorneys to the court. Of Monat nothing can be dis- 
covered. 3 John Dunn was a prominent lawyer and held many 
public trusts. He was at one time attorney for the Crown, being 
succeeded by Waighstill Avery in 1775. 4 

Prior to 1770 the following men served as sheriff of Rowan, in 
the order named: David Jones, Edward Hughes, Benjamin Miller, 
William JSTassery, Francis Locke, Griffith Rutherford, Andrew 
Allison, and William Temple Cole. 5 

The members of the Assembly and Provincial Congresses from 
Rowan were as follows : 


1746 (47)-1754. James Carter and John Brandon, who took 
their seats at the thirteenth session. 

1754-1760. John Bravard and James Carter. The latter was 
expelled for misapplication of public funds and was succeeded by 
Hugh Waddell, who took his seat at the fifth session. 

1760. Hugh Waddell and John Frohock. 

1761. John Frohock and Alexander Osborne. 

1762 (April and November). John Frohock and John Kerr. 
1764-1765. John Frohock and William Giles. The lower house 
seated John Harrold. 

1766-1768. John Frohock and Griffith Rutherford. 
1769. Griffith Rutherford and Christopher Nation. 
1770-1771. Griffith Rutherford and Matthew Locke. 
1773 (January). Matthew Locke and Griffith Rutherford. 
1773-1774. Griffith Rutherford and Matthew Locke. 
1775. Griffith Rutherford and Matthew Locke. 


August, 1774. Moses Winslow and Samuel Young. 
April, 1775. Griffith Rutherford, William Sharpe, and William 

August, 1775. Matthew Locke, James Smith, Moses Winslow, 

3 Rumple, 43. 

4 Col. Rec, X, 139. 

E See Col. Rec, VIII, 280-281; Col. Rec, IX, 575. 

A Colonial History of Rowan County 33 

Samuel Young, William Kennon, William Sharpe, and Robert 

April, 1776. Griffith Rutherford and Matthew Locke. 6 

In 1754 the governor chose Salisbury as the proper place for 
holding the courts for the counties of Rowan, Anson, and Orange. 7 
At the same time an act was passed establishing a superior court 
of justice and a court of oyer and terminer and general jail deliv- 
ery for these counties to be held at Salisbury. 8 Orange was soon 
taken away and put into a different district, and in 1760 and 1762 
Salisbury District was composed of Rowan and Anson. 9 Other 
frontier counties were added to the district from time to time. 

The superior court of justice had jurisdiction over "all pleas of 
the crown (treason, felony, and other crimes committed in breach 
of the peace), suits at common pleas, legacies and estates of intes- 
tates, whether original or on appeal from the inferior courts. 10 

Robert Jones, the attorney-general of the province, prosecuted 
suits in the superior court of justice of Salisbury District against 
the commissioners of Rowan and Anson who had misapplied the 
public funds entrusted to them for the defense of the frontier. 11 

At March Term, 1766, James Hasell, who had been appointed 
Chief Justice of the province by Governor Tryon, qualified by 
taking the oaths prescribed by law. Edmund Tanning qualified 
as Associate Justice for the District of Salisbury. He resigned 
the office of attorney-general of the court, which he had thereto- 
fore occupied, and was succeeded by William Hooper. 12 The fact 
that Edmund Fanning was a judge at this time seems to have been 
overlooked by historians. 

At September term Chief Justice Hasell and Judge Fanning 
presided. Isaac Edwards took the oaths of an attorney and was 
appointed by the court as attorney for the Crown in the absence 
of Mr. Hooper, who arrived several days late. Frederick Fraley, 
George Logall, George Adwicke, and Christopher Blake were 
naturalized. 13 

6 N. C. Manual (1913), 381-382, 408. 

7 Col. Rec, V, 260. 

8 State Rec, XXV, 274-287. 

9 State Rec, XXIII, 874, 946. 

10 Raper, 156. 

"Col. Rec, V, 1082-1084. 

^Col. Rec, VII, 191-192. 

"Col. Rec, VII, 255-256. 


34 James Sprunt Historical Publications 

Salisbury District was now composed of Mecklenburg, Anson, 
and Rowan counties. 14 

September term of 1767 was held by Associate Justice Fanning. 
Richard Henderson, of Granville County, was appointed attorney 
for the Crown during the absence of the attorney-general. Chief 
Justice Hasell and William Hooper appeared later. 15 Richard 
Henderson afterwards purchased a large tract of land lying in 
Tennessee and Kentucky and employed Daniel Boone to blaze the 
way for a colony, which was established at Boonesborough, Ken- 
tucky, just before the Revolution. This tract of land was pur- 
chased from the Cherokees. 16 

The superior court of justice in March, 1768, was held by Maur- 
ice Moore and Richard Henderson, who took the oaths of Asso- 
ciate Justices of the colony. William Hooper was appointed attor- 
ney for the Crown, and James Forsyth qualified as a lawyer. 17 

In September, Chief Justice Martin Howard and Judges Hen- 
derson and Moore presided. William Hooper produced a commis- 
sion constituting him Crown attorney. 18 

At the session in March of the following year, held by Judge 
Henderson, Thomas Frohock gave bond and qualified as clerk of 
the court for Salisbury District. 19 In 1772 Adlai Osborne, of 
Mecklenburg, was appointed to this position. 20 

The third colonial court which assembled at Salisbury was the 
court of oyer, terminer and general jail delivery. This court had 
jurisdiction of criminal cases. 21 The court met in June and De- 
cember of each year. 22 

A typical term was that held in June,, 1775, for Rowan, Anson, 
Mecklenburg, Tryon, Surry, and Guilford, the counties which then 
made up Salisbury District. Judge Alexander Martin, of Rowan, 
presided. Adlai Osborne was appointed clerk, and Benjamin B. 
Boote took the oath as deputy attorney-general for the district. 
William Kennon's name appears in the records as a practicing 

14 Col. Rec, VII, 477. 

a5 Col. Rec, VII, 521-522. 

16 Ashe, 429. 

"Col. Rec, VII, 690-691. 

ls Col. Rec, VII, 838. 

19 Col. Rec, VIII, 19. 

20 Col. Rec, IX, 318-319. 

21 Raper, 159. 

22 State Rec, XXIII, 946. 

A Colonial History of Rowan County 35 

lawyer. Many criminal cases were disposed of at this term. 
Thomas "Ward was convicted of stealing 11 shillings and sentenced 
to receive "thirty-nine lashes on his bare back, well laid on, at the 
public whipping-post." James Patterson was acquitted of the 
charge of counterfeiting and David Jones of murder. William 
"Woodliff was found not guilty of horse-stealing. Stephen Herring 
and Joseph Pettoway, being convicted of robbery, and Oliver 
"Wallace of murder, the court sentenced them to be hanged "by the 
neck" until they were "dead, dead, dead," and the sheriff of Rowan 
was directed to put the sentence into execution on the conventional 
day — Friday. 23 

The execution of a criminal was not a rare occasion in those 
days. There were a score of crimes which bore the death penalty, 
and, as appears from the records of Rowan, the judges did not 
scruple to put these laws into effect. The blow of the law fell 
swiftly upon the guilty. 


The Regulators 

The question as to the character of the Regulation has been often 
and fully discussed by the historians of JSTorth Carolina. Some 
think that the Regulators were an oppressed people contending for 
justice; others that they were a misguided mob seeking to prevent 
the enforcement of the law. It is not the purpose in this sketch to 
side with either group, but merely to state the occurrences of the 
trouble in Rowan County. 

The Regulators complained of the injustice of the officials, of 
extortion, of corrupt courts, and of being compelled to pay taxes 
in money, of which there was a scarcity in circulation. The move- 
ment was most prevalent in Orange, Anson, and Rowan, though it 
existed to a less degree in many other counties. The discontented 
men formed a systematic organization. Meetings were held and 
petitions were sent to Governor Tryon, but they were either refused 
or ignored. 1 One of the chief policies of the Regulators was the 
refusal to pay taxes. 2 

23 Col. Rec, X, 1-9. 
Tompkins, 37-38. 
2 Col. Rec, VIII, 637. 

36 James Sprunt Historical Publications 

The people were especially bitter towards Edmund Fanning, of 
Hillsboro, and John Frohock, of Salisbury. Rednap Howell, "the 
Poet Laureate of the Regulators," lampooned them in this wise : 

Says Frohock to Fanning : "To tell the plain truth, 
When I came to this country I was but a youth; 
My father sent for me; I warn't worth a cross; 
And then my first study was to steal for a horse; 
I quickly got credit, and then ran away, 
And haven't paid for him to this very day." 
Says Fanning to Frohock: " 'Tis folly to lie, 
I rode an old mare that was blind of an eye; 
Five shillings in money I had in my purse, 
My coat it was patched, but not much the worse; 
But now we've got rich, and it's very well known 
That we'll do very well if they'll let us alone. 3 

The Regulators resisted all efforts on the part of the sheriffs of 
Rowan to collect taxes. In October, 1763, Francis Locke informed 
the inferior court that two thousand taxes for the year 1766 were 
unpaid, and that the collection of them was violently opposed by 
the Regulators. He attempted to "take, seize, and destrain a sorrel 
gelding" belonging to James Dunlap for his taxes for 1764, 1765, 
and 1766, but Dunlap and fifteen others unlawfully rescued the 
horse from Locke. 4 

Andrew Allison, who was sheriff in 1765, was able to collect only 
two hundred and five taxes. 5 The situation became so perplexing 
that in 1770 there was no sheriff in Rowan, Adam Allison who 
had been appointed by Tryon being unable to give security for 
the discharge of the duties of the office. His friends did not doubt 
his integrity or honesty, but feared that the confused state of the 
county would involve them in many suits. 6 

In April, 1768, Edmund Fanning, of Hillsboro, wrote Tryon 
that the Regulators claimed that they could command a powerful 
force from Anson, Rowan, and Orange. He asked Tryon for or- 
ders to raise the militia and advised immediate war upon the in- 

3 Col. Rec, VIII, xli. 
4 Col. Rec, VII. 856, 857. 
5 Col. Rec, VIII, 227. 
8 Col. Rec, VIII, 64. 

A Colonial History of Rowan County 37 

surgents. Tryon gave him permission to call out the militia of 
Bertie, Halifax, Granville, Rowan, Mecklenburg, Anson, Cumber- 
land, and Johnston. 7 

About the 1st of July Tryon went to Hillsboro, where Hus- 
bands and Butler, who had been arrested several months before, 
were to be tried. Husbands was a Quaker preacher and the prime 
mover in the Regulation. Tryon visited Rowan and enlisted 
troops for the protection of the court. 8 Nearly two hundred of 
the Rowan militia and three hundred of the Mecklenburg attended 
the court at Hillsboro. 9 At this time matters quieted a little, but 
soon the situation became critical. 

An excellent opportunity for a peaceable solution of the problem 
in Rowan occurred in March, 1771. The Regulators of the county 
decided to visit Salisbury superior court. On March 6 four or 
five hundred assembled on the west bank of the Yadkin. Hearing 
of their plans, Alexander Martin and John Frohock went to them 
and found some armed and some unarmed. The Regulators said 
that their intention was not to disturb the court or to injure the 
person or property of any one, but to petition for a redress of 
grievances against the officers taking exorbitant fees, and that 
their arms were for defense. Good order prevailed, threats being 
made by only a few of the lower characters. 

They were informed that the judges did not deem it prudent to 
hold court in Salisbury. The Regulators replied that there would 
have been no danger for the Chief Justice, but as to the other 
judges they were silent. In behalf of the officers of Rowan, Mar- 
tin and Frohock offered to give the Regulators satisfaction for 
their complaints, and the Regulators selected a committee to confer 
with the officers. 

The Regulator committee proposed to leave every complaint to 
the decision of men chosen by the two parties. They selected Her- 
man Husbands, James Graham, James Hunter, and Thomas 
Person, and the officers chose Matthew Locke, John Kerr, Samuel 
Young, and James Smith. This committee was to meet in May 
and arbitrate and settle every difference. Only the officials of 

T Col. Rec, VII, 115. 748. 

8 Col. Rec, VII, xxii. 

9 Col. Rec, VII, 886; Tompkins, 38. 

38 James Sprfnt Historical Publications 

Rowan County, and those voluntarily, were included in the com- 
pact. 10 

On the 7th the officers agreed "to settle and pay unto any and 
every person within the county any and all such sum or sums of 
money as we or our deputies have taken through inadvertency or 
otherwise over and above what we severally ought to have taken 
for fees more than the law allowed or entitled us so to receive, 
without any trouble or law for the recovery of the same." John 
Frohock, William Frohock, Griffith Rutherford, Thomas Frohock, 
Benjamin Miller, John Brawley, Andrew Allison, Francis Locke, 
John Dunn, Alexander Martin, William Nazary (ISTassery), and 
William Temple Cole signed the agreement, they being or having 
been officers of the County. 11 

Thereupon the Regulators returned quietly to their homes. 
Three companies of Rowan militia and seventy or eighty men 
from Mecklenburg were in Salisbury ready to oppose them had 
any violence been offered. 12 

When Governor Tryon received intelligence of the proposed set- 
tlement with the Regulators he immediately wrote Alexander 
Martin a letter which included the following quotation: 

This mode ... of your agreement with the insurgents, by in- 
cluding officers who are amenable only for their public conduct to the 
tribunal of their country, is unconstitutional, dishonorable of govern- 
ment and introductive of a practice the most dangerous to the peace 
and happiness of society. On the 18th of last month it was determined 
by consent of his Majesty's Council to raise forces to march into the 
settlements of the insurgents in order to restore peace to the country 
upon honorable terms and constitutional principles. This measure is 
not intended to impede, nor has it the least reference to, the agreement 
between you gentlemen and the Regulators, though it is expected in the 
execution of it more stability will be added to our government than by 
the issue of Convention ratified at 

Tryon's rebuke and disapproval of the plan caused its failure. 
If Tryon had been farsighted probably the difficulties could have 
been settled without a struggle. As it was, however, both factions 
prepared for the final test of strength. Governor Tryon sent Gen- 

10 Col. Rec, VIII, 533 et seq. 
"Col. Rec, VIII, 521-522. 
"Col. Rec, VIII, 535-536. 
ls Col. Rec, VIII, 545. 

A Coloxial History of Eowan Couxty 39 

eral Hugh Waddell through. Rowan and Mecklenburg to raise 
troops. "Waddell enlisted one hundred in Mecklenburg and almost 
twice that number in Rowan. "When marching to join Tryon, 
"Waddell was intercepted at the Yadkin by a larger force of Regu- 
lators and turned back, so that he did not join the governor until 
after the battle. 14 

Meanwhile Tryon proceeded westward with ten or twelve hun- 
dred men. 15 He met the forces of the insurgents at Alamance 
Creek and defeated them, thereby bringing open opposition to an 
end. 16 

From May 30th to June 20th, the supreme court of oyer and 
terminer was held at Hillsboro for the trial of captured Regula- 
tors. Twelve were convicted of high treason and six of them were 
executed. The most distinguished victim was Benjamin Merrill, 
who had formerly been a captain of the militia in Rowan. In 
concluding his sentence, the Chief Justice said : 

I must now close my afflicting duty by pronouncing upon you the aw- 
ful sentence of the law; which is that you, Benjamin Merrill, be carried 
to the place whence you came, that you be drawn from thence to the 
place of execution, where you are to be hanged by the neck; that you be 
cut down while yet alive, that your bowels be taken out and burnt be- 
fore your face, that your head be cut off, your body divided into four 
quarters, and this to be at his Majesty's disposal; and the Lord have 
mercy on your soul. 17 

It is impossible to conceive of a more brutal, barbarous sentence 
being pronounced. 

Soon afterwards the Assembly passed an act allowing the sher- 
iffs an additional year in which to collect the taxes which had not 
been paid. 18 James McCoy was appointed to collect those for 
1770, the year when no sheriff served Rowan. 19 

14 Tompldns, 38-39. 

"Tompkins, 39. 

16 Col. Rec, Till, 609; Haywood, 125-126. 

17 Col. Rec, Till, 643. 

"State Rec, XXT, 520-521. 

^State Rec, XXT, 521-522. 

40 James Sprunt Historical Publications 


The Churches of Early Rowan 

The early inhabitants of the county were a distinctly religious 
people. Many of them had come to the new world that they 
might worship God in their own way. Consequently, as soon as 
they were settled in their new surroundings they proceeded to 
found places of worship. 


The destruction by fire of the early records of Orange Presby- 
tery has rendered it difficult to give an account of the different 
Presbyterian churches with the dates of their establishment. The 
Presbyterians formed a considerable part of the population of 
Rowan, most of the Scotch-Irish being of this faith. In the list 
of taxables for 1767 it is remarked that the population was "mostly 
Presbyterians." 1 

A congregation was organized before Rowan was taken from 
Anson County. On January 17, 1753, John and Naomi Lynn con- 
veyed twelve acres of land, more or less, "to a congregation belong- 
ing to ye Lower meeting house, between the Atking River and ye 
Catabo." It is stated that this congregation adhered to a minister 
belonging to the Synod of Philadelphia. On the following day 
another deed was made conveying an additional tract of twelve 
acres to the same congregation. This church was first called the 
Lower Meeting House. Being in the vicinity of James Cathey's 
home, it was later called Cathey's Meeting House, and finally Thy- 
atira. ISTo record of its first elders and members is extant. 

Eurther west, near the present town of Statesville in Iredell 
County, was the Fourth Creek congregation, which was later 
divided among the churches of Fourth Creek, Concord, and Beth- 
any. Fourth Creek congregation was organized and its boundaries 
were defined by the two missionaries, the Rev. Messrs. Spencer and 
McWhorter, who visited it in 1764. Fourth Creek church, how- 
ever, was in existence long before that time. It is said that Fourth 
Creek church was collected into a congregation as early as 1751 

*Ool. Rec, VII, 541. 

A Colonial History of Rowan County 41 

and its place of worship selected by 1756. The Rev. John Thomp- 
son appeared in this locality as early as 1751. He resided near 
the historic Centre Church. Mr. Thompson preached at Fourth 
Creek and other stations in Rowan for about two years. He was a 
very influential pastor. People came twenty and twenty-fire miles 
to hear his sermons and "sometimes he baptized a score of infants 
at once." In 1773, the people who made up the congregation of 
Fourth Creek were divided among 196 families of 111 different 
names. All of these communicants lived within ten miles of the 
church. 2 

In 1753 the Synod of Philadelphia sent two missionaries, Mr. 
McMordie and Mr. Donaldson, to visit Virginia and North Caro- 
lina. They were directed by the Synod "to show special regard to 
the vacancies of North Carolina, especially betwixt Atkin and 
Catawba rivers." 3 

In 1755 the Rev. Hugh McAden made a missionary tour through 
North Carolina. 4 Early in September he arrived in eastern 
Rowan, and thence continued his course westward, preaching at 
several meeting houses and in private homes. Sometimes he 
preached to congregations "pretty regular and discreet," but some- 
times he found them "solemn and attentive, but (with) no appear- 
ance of the life of religion." He delivered a sermon at the meet- 
ing house which had been erected in the Jersey Settlement, and to 
the congregation at Cathey's, and at several other houses of wor- 
ship west of the Yadkin. In the latter part of October he passed 
on into Mecklenburg County. 5 

In the same year the Synod of New York directed the Rev. John 
Brainard and the Rev. Elihu Spencer to supply vacancies in North 
Carolina. They do not seem to have done so, for there is no record 
of their visit. 

For ten years the congregations of the Presbyterians held to- 
gether, though no regular minister appeared. 6 No doubt, from 
time to time, itinerant preachers passed through Rowan and 
preached at the meeting houses and in private homes. In 1764 

2 Rumple, 333-335. 
3 Poote, 159. 
"Caruthers, 94. 
5 Foote, 167-169. 
6 Rumple, 336. 

42 James Sprunt Historical Publications 

and 1765 the Rev. Messrs. Spencer and McWhorter visited the 
county and fixed the limits of the different congregations. A new 
congregation called Centre was established, its name being derived 
from the fact that it was composed of territory between Fourth 
Creek and Thyatira. The Centre congregation lived in Mecklen- 
burg and in that part of Rowan which now lies in Iredell County. 
It appears that this region was filled with various preaching places 
before Spencer and McWhorter persuaded the inhabitants to com- 
bine into one church. 7 

In 1765 Fourth Creek and Thyatira united in a call to the Rev. 
Mr. Spencer, who had returned to New Jersey. They sent wagons 
all the way to that province to bring his family to Rowan, but he 
declined to accept the call. Thyatira was without a regular pastor 
until 1772. Then Rev. Mr. Harris became its minister and re- 
mained about two years. 8 The Rev. Samuel E. McCorkle became 
the pastor of Thyatira in 1777, and James Hall, the soldier- 
preacher, became the minister of Fourth Creek Church one year 
later. 9 

The Presbyterians did not found a church in Salisbury until 
about the year 1821. 10 

There was a Presbyterian meeting house in eastern Rowan (now 
Guilford) before 1768. In that year Adam Mitchel conveyed an 
acre of land to John McKnight and William Anderson, "trustees 
for the Presbyterian congregation on the waters of North Buffalo." 
This congregation belonged to the Synod of New York and Phila- 
delphia. The deed shows that a "meeting house and a study 
house" had already been erected. 11 The building designated as a 
"study house" was probably a school. The inferior court of 
Rowan licensed the North Buffalo meeting house soon after- 
wards. 12 The church was situated near the present site of Greens- 
boro. 13 

In 1764 the Rev. Henry Pattillo, a Presbyterian divine, who 
labored in Orange, established a church called Alamance about 

7 Foote, 36, 433-434. 
SRumple, 336-337. 
9 Foote, 324, 354. 
"Rumple, 342-343. 
"Col. Rec, VII, 857-859. 
12 Col. Rec, VIII, 507. 
"Foote, 233. 

A Colonial History of Rowan County 43 

seven miles from Greensboro. 14 These two churches secured as 
their pastor Dr. David Caldwell, a Pennsylvanian by birth and a 
graduate of Princeton. In 1766 he married Rachel, the daughter 
of the Rev. Alexander Craighead, of Sugar Creek Church, in Meck- 
lenburg, and settled with his congregations of Buffalo and Ala- 
mance. 15 Caldwell established a school in the neighborhood about 
1767. This school obtained the name of the "Log College," and 
was the means of training a number of the foremost men of North 
Carolina. 16 

At a meeting of the Presbytery at Buffalo in March, 1770, 
David Caldwell, Hugh McAden, Joseph Alexander, Henry Pat- 
tillo, Hezekiah Balch, and James Criswell petitioned the Synod of 
Philadelphia and New York for the organization of a new presby- 
tery, to be called Orange. Their petition was granted. 17 


The German Reformed Church originated in Switzerland, its 
doctrines being derived from the Swiss reformer, Ulric Zwingli, 
who was a contemporary of Martin Luther. This Church differed 
from the Lutheran upon the question of the sacrament of the 
Lord's Supper and other theological doctrines. It is a Calvinistic 
church. 18 Denying Luther's theory of consubstantiation, Zwingli 
regarded the sacrament as efficacious merely for its commemora- 
tive and social aspects. 19 

The Germans who came to Rowan from Pennsylvania and set- 
tled along Second Creek were members of the Reformed and 
Lutheran churches. Being too few in numbers to erect houses of 
worship for each of the two denominations, they united in build- 
ing a temporary structure on the lands of a Mr. Fullenwider. This 
church was called the Hickory Church and stood on the site now 
occupied by St. Peter's Lutheran Church. The date of its erection 
is not given, but no doubt it was built quite early, for the section 
was settled by German immigrants about 1750. Por a number of 

"Foote, 233. 

15 Col. Rec, V, 1219; Caruthers, 26. 

16 Caruthers, 30-31. 

"Col. Rec, V, 1213 ; Caruthers, 96-97. 

"Rumple, 435-436. 

19 Hulme, 281. 

44 James Sprunt Historical Publications 

years there was no pastor to minister to the needs of those who 
worshiped at the Hickory Church. 20 

Before Hickory Church obtained a minister the Lutherans in 
and around Salisbury formed a congregation. This church was 
the first Lutheran church organized in North Carolina and was 
named St. John's. John Lewis Beard, a prominent and wealthy 
resident of Salisbury and a Lutheran by profession, was bereaved 
by the death of a daughter. Her remains were buried in a lot con- 
taining nearly an acre of ground belonging to her father. Desirous 
that the grave of his daughter should never be disturbed, Mr. 
Beard donated the lot to the German Lutheran Church. On Sep- 
tember 9, 1768, he conveyed the land to the trusees of the church. 
It was stipulated that ministers of the Church of England and 
the Reformed Church might utilize the church when not used by 
the Lutherans. Soon after the lot was granted to them the 
Lutherans erected a log church upon it. This structure was the 
first house of worship built in Salisbury. The lot is now known 
as the Lutheran graveyard, or the Salisbury Cemetery. 21 

Where the Germans were to obtain a pastor was a difficult prob- 
lem to solve. As there was a scarcity of ministers in Pennsylvania, 
it was futile to consider the possibility of securing one there. 22 As 
some three thousand German Protestants were located in Rowan, 
Orange, Mecklenburg, and Tryon counties and their numbers were 
rapidly increasing by birth and immigration, sixty Lutheran 
families residing on Second Creek in Rowan decided to seek help 
from the Protestants of Europe. They declared that the want of 
a minister of their denomination had produced "a great ignorance 
of the word of God and a melancholy dissoluteness of living," and 
feared that such evil "must provoke the Almighty God to anger 
and vengeance." They appointed two of their number, Christo- 
pher Layrle, of Mecklenburg County, and Christopher Rintelman, 
of Rowan, to seek aid among the Protestants of England, Holland, 
and Germany for securing and supporting a minister and school- 
master who spoke the German tongue. The Rev. Mr. Drage, the 
Episcopal minister of St. Luke's Parish, pronounced their purpose 

20 Col. Rec, VIII, 744, 759 ; Bernheim, 244-245 ; Rumple, 437. 
21 Col. Rec, VIII, 758-759. 
22 Bernheim, 254. 

A Colonial History of Eowan County 45 

laudable, and Governor Tryon countenanced their plans and re- 
ferred their requests to the Bishop of London and the Society for 
the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts. The undertaking 
met with the approval of the Society at its meeting in London, 
July 19, 1771. The Society promised that if Layrle and Bintel- 
man raised such a sum as would afford a reasonable prospect of 
establishing a fund adequate for the permanent support of a min- 
ister and schoolmaster, it would contribute to the subscription and 
give other encouragement to their efforts. 23 

Rintelman and Layrle went to Europe in 1772. They first went 
to London and then to Hanover, and through the kind efforts of 
"the late Consistory Counselor, Gotten," obtained the Eev. Adolph 
jSTussman as their pastor and Mr. Gottfried Ardnt as schoolmas- 
ter. Nussman and Ardnt arrived in North Carolina in 1773. 24 
Among those who contributed to the fund which enabled the Ger- 
mans to secure their minister and schoolmaster were the Bishop 
of London, the Earl of Dartmouth, the Earl of Granville, the 
Archbishop of Canterbury, and Governor Tryon. 25 

The Eev. Adolph jSTussman was a man of scholarly attainments 
and a devout, self-sacrificing and pious Christian. 26 He preached 
for a year to the combined congregation of Eeformed and Lutheran 
members at the Hickory Church. Dissensions arising between the 
two denominations, they separated. The Lutherans built what is 
still known as the Organ Church, but what was formerly called 
Zion's. The adherents of the Eeformed Church erected a structure 
four miles west of Gold Hill, in south Eowan. This church was 
named Grace Church, though it is frequently called Lower Stone 
Church. The site of the building was purchased from Lorentz 
Lingle. 27 At the same time the Eev. Adolph jSTussman was minis- 
tering to the people of the Second Creek settlement, he preached 
at St. John's in Salisbury. Before Organ Church was finished he 
left Eowan and went to St. John's Church in Mecklenburg. In 
1775 Gottfried Arndt, who had been instructing the German youth, 

23 Col. Rec, VIII, 630-631. 

24 Col. Rec, VIII, 762-763 ; Bernheim, 256-257. 

25 Col. Rec, VIII, 632. 

26 Col. Rec, VIII, 759. 

27 Col. Rec, VIII, 744, 760. 

46 James Sprunt Historical Publications 

was ordained a minister of the Lutheran Church, and he served 
Organ and St. John's churches until the close of the Revolution. 28 


Information as to the Baptists in early Rowan is very meagre. 
When the Rev. Hugh McAden passed through this section in 1755 
he found a meeting house in the Jersey Settlement. There was 
much confusion in the congregation, many of whom were Baptists 
and several professing to be Presbyterians. One cause of the 
trouble arose from the labors of a Mr. Miller, a Baptist minister. 29 
With the aid of a Rev. Mr. Gano, Miller established a Baptist 
Church in the Jersey Settlement. 30 

About the year 1755 Shubal Stearns came to eastern Rowan, 
now Randolph, and in a few years had a church on Sandy Creek 
with a membership of 606 persons. At the same time Daniel Mar- 
shall had charge of a Baptist Church on the TJwharrie, and Joseph 
Murphey was minister to a congregation on Deep Creek in the 
present county of Surry. Dr. Caruthers says that other Baptist 
ministers went about preaching from place to place, and that there 
was a church on Abbott's Creek, and others elsewhere. 31 

Dr. Rumple says that there was no organization of Methodism 
in the county before the Revolution. 32 


The royal government of the province attempted to make the 
Church of England the established church of North Carolina. 
Many acts were passed with this end in view. We have already 
seen that St. Luke's Parish was established simultaneously with 
Rowan County and included the same territory until Wachovia 
was set off under the name of Dobbs Parish. The freeholders, 
that is, men owning fifty acres of land or a lot in some town, were 
required, under penalty of twenty shillings, to elect twelve vestry- 
men to serve three years. The vestrymen so elected had to sub- 
scribe an oath that they would "not oppose the doctrine, discipline, 

2S Col. Rec, VIII, 759, 760, 763 ; Bernheim, 260-261. 
29 Foote, 167. 
30 Rumple, 445. 
"Caruthers, 91. 
32 Rumple, 367. 

A Colonial History of Rowan County 47 

and liturgy of the Church, of England as by law established." If 
a dissenter was elected and failed to qualify, he was liable to a 
fine. The vestry was authorized to levy a tax of ten shillings on 
each taxable in the parish for the erection of churches or chapels, 
the payment of the salaries of ministers, the purchasing a glebe 
for the building of a parsonage. 

According to an act of 1765, the minister of a parish was to 
receive an annual salary of one hundred and thirty-three pounds, 
six shillings and eight pence and a fee of twenty shillings for 
every marriage solemnized in the parish, whether he performed 
the service or not, provided he did not neglect nor refuse to do so. 33 

The inhabitants of the west paid little attention to the vestry 
and parish laws. 

By the marriage acts of the province no minister or magistrate 
could perform the rite of marriage without a license or the publi- 
cation of banns. The parish minister, if there were one, should 
be entitled to the marriage fee unless he refused or neglected to 
perform the ceremony. The Presbyterian ministers in the west 
performed the marriage service without license or publication of 
banns. An act passed early in Tryon's administration made all 
such marriages valid and permitted Presbyterian ministers, regu- 
larly called to any congregation, to celebrate the rite of marriage 
when a license was issued. By a law of 1770 the ministers of the 
same denomination were authorized to perform the service by the 
publication of banns, but the law was disallowed by the authori- 
ties in England. 34 

The marriage and vestry acts were extremely unpopular in the 
west. Petitions were presented to the Assembly asking their re- 
peal. One from Mecklenburg states that if Rowan, Mecklenburg, 
and Tryon counties "were wholly relieved from the grievances of 
the marriage act and the vestry acts, it would greatly encourage 
the settlement of the frontiers, and make them a strong barrier to 
the interior parts of the province against a savage enemy." 35 

Little is known of the early clergymen of the Church of Eng- 
land. Upon the petition of the people of Rowan, a Mr. Miller 

M Ashe, 385; Rumple, 72-74. 
34 Ashe, 382-386. 
^Col. Rec, X, 1016. 

48 James Sprunt Historical Publications 

was ordained minister. He lived irregularly and wandered about 
from parish to parish. It is not known that he settled in 
Rowan. 36 In 1766, Tryon wrote the Board of Trade that the 
Rev. Mr. Micklejohn had just gone to St. Luke's. 37 Nothing fur- 
ther is recorded of him. 

No attempt was made to put the parish and vestry laws into 
force in Rowan until about 1770. Some time prior to that date 
more than one hundred inhabitants of the county petitioned for a 
"lawful vestry." 38 

There seems to have been a number of members of the Church 
of England in Rowan, though they did not make up any consid- 
erable part of the population. They were principally found in 
Salisbury and the Jersey Settlement. 39 It is impossible to esti- 
mate the number with any degree of accuracy. The late Hon. 
John S. Henderson, in his interesting sketch on "Episcopacy in 
Rowan" in Ruinple's history, thinks that they amounted to one- 
fourth or one-third of the entire population. 40 This estimate, 
however, is undoubtedly too large if applied to the whole of 

The first clergyman of the Church of England who settled in 
Rowan was the Rev. Theodoras Swaine Drage, who came to the 
county about 1769 and attempted to organize St. Luke's Parish 
on a permanent basis. He was successful in having a chapel 
erected in the Jersey Settlement. 41 His letter to the Society for 
the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts portrays the situ- 
ation in Rowan. Tryon had received repeated applications from 
the people for a clergyman, and he was largely responsible for 
Drage's going to St. Luke's. Drage claimed that two-thirds of 
the population were of the Church of England, but his state- 
ments are not borne out by other records. The "Irish Dissenters" 
had the power of government vested in their hands, for they had 
titles to their lands. Many of the other settlers had come into 
the county since the closing of the land offices and had been unable 
to secure titles to the lands which they occupied. 

36 Col. Rec, VI, 1040. 
37 Col. Rec, VII, 260. 

3S Williamson, 258. 
39 Rumple, 70. 
40 Rumple, 383. 
"Rumple, 384. 

A Colonial History of Eowan County 49 

Mr. Drage was very active in his labors. Upon his arrival lie 
found the English churchmen "disheartened and dispersed," but 
soon he had forty preaching places where he ministered to "seven 
thousand souls, men, women, and children." Between December 
20, 1769, and the same date in 1770, he baptized eight hundred 
and two persons. Their ages varied from less than a year to sixty 
years, the majority being infants. A Rev. Mr. Cupples had paid 
a visit to St. Luke's during the preceding s umm er and baptized 

Mr. Drage's efforts to establish the parish on a legal and perma- 
nent foundation were less fruitful. At an election held Easter 
Monday, 1770, the Dissenters, having control of a majority of the 
votes, elected a vestry, all of whom were Dissenters and two of 
whom were elders. The vestry refused to qualify. The same 
procedure had been practiced in the preceding year. The voters 
declared that "their purpose in voting was not as to who should 
compose the vestry, but that there might be none." The members 
of the Church of England petitioned for a removal of their inca- 
pacity to vote for want of deeds, but the Assembly did not grant 
their request. Mr. Drage considered a petition of the Presbyte- 
rians praying that they might be relieved from paying towards 
the support of the parish minister and that their clergy might be 
permitted to perform marriages by the publication of banns as 
"an act directly leveled at the Constitution." 42 In theory he was 
right. The mistake, however, was in striving to thrust an estab- 
lished church upon an unwilling and headstrong people. 

The contest between Drage and the Dissenters continued to grow 
warm. The unfortunate clergyman seems to have received no 
salary and to have been dependent upon a few fees and the Society 
for the Propagation of the Gospel in Eoreign Parts for his sup- 
port. He found friends only in the Lutherans and in Governor 
Tryon. 43 He informed Governor Martin, Tryon's successor, that 
the clerk of court encouraged the people who obtained marriage 
licenses to have the rites performed by the magistrates in prefer- 
ence to him, and concealed the number of licenses granted in 

42 Col. Rec, VIII. 502-504. 
43 Col. Rec, VIII, 506-507. 

50 James Sprunt Historical Publications 

order to deprive him of the fees to which the parish minister was 
entitled. 44 By February, 1773, the Dissenters succeeded in expell- 
ing Drage by withholding his salary and thereby forcing him to 
leave the parish. 45 No other clergyman of the English church 
appeared in Rowan before the Eevolution. 


Education in Rowan 

The record of education and the early schools of Rowan is very 
meagre. Most of the inhabitants possessed at least an elementary 
knowledge of reading, writing and the principles of mathematics. 
The Germans had Luther's translation of the Bible and their 
Union Hymn Book. At this time the old field schools were estab- 
lished and taught by citizens who had better educations than the 
average. There must have been a number of these schools in old 
Rowan. The boys spent their leisure hours in playing "town- 
ball," "bull-pen," "cat" and "prisoner's base," and the girls 
amused themselves with "blind-man's bluff," "drop-the-handker- 
chief," "fox and geese," and "chichama-chichama-craney-crow." 
Dr. Rumple says : "The passing traveler could easily identify the 
log schoolhouse, by the bell-like tones of the mingled voices of the 
boys and girls as they studied their spelling and reading lessons 
aloud — sometimes rendering the schoolroom a very Babel of con- 
fused sounds." 1 

In 1760, Crowfield Academy was established on the headwaters 
of Rocky River, in the bounds of the Centre congregation, about 
two miles north of where Davidson College now stands. This 
was a classical school where many of the prominent men of Rowan 
and the near-by counties were educated. Among them were Col- 
onel Adlai Osborne, the Rev. Samuel Eusebius McCorkle, Dr. 
James Hall, and Dr. Ephriam Brevard. 2 

"Col. Rec. IX, 267. 
45 Col. Rec, IX, 507, 622. 
iRumple, 83-84. 
"Rumple, 84. 

A Colonial History of Kowan County 51 

About the year 1767 Dr. David Caldwell founded his famous 
classical "Log College" on the headwaters of North Buffalo, near 
the present city of Greensboro. 3 

In 1773, Gottfried Arndt arrived, and for several years in- 
structed the German youth around Salisbury. 4 

The inhabitants of "Western North Carolina before the Revolu- 
tion were dependent upon the old field schools and a few classical 
academies, such as Caldwell's and Crowfield, for their education. 
Those who were able often completed their schooling at Nassau 
Hall (now Princeton University) under Dr. John "Witherspoon. 5 


The Safety Committee 

Rowan County has the distinction of being the first county in 
North Carolina to organize a safety committee. 1 This fact shows 
that the people were keenly alive to the cause of the colonies. The 
first committee met August 8, 1774. Its members were James 
McCay, Andrew Neal, George Cathey, Alexander Dobbins, Fran- 
cis McCorkle, Matthew Locke, Maxwell Chambers, Henry Har- 
mon, Abraham Denton, "William Davidson, Samuel Young, John 
Brevard, "William Kennon, George Henry Barringer, Robert Bell, 
John Bickerstaff, John Cowden, John Lewis Beard, John Nesbit, 
Charles McDowell, Robert Blackburn, Christopher Beekman, "Wil- 
liam Sharpe, John Johnston, and Morgan Bryan. 2 The records 
of the Rowan Committee of Safety have been preserved in Wheel- 
er's "History of North Carolina" and in the Colonial Becords 
and they give an insight into the opinions and purposes of the 
times. Though this committee began its administration before 
the Revolution its actions belong to the Revolutionary period, and 
will not be discussed in this sketch. 

3 Caruthers, 30-31. 

4 Bernheim, 260-261. 

6 Rumple, 84-85. 

^ol. Rec, IX, xxxii. 

2 Col. Rec, IX, 1024-1026 ; Rumple, 147. 

52 James Sprunt Historical Publications 


Social and Industrial Conditions 

The inhabitants of Rowan and the other western counties lived 
among surroundings' quite different from those who dwelt in the 
east. While the latter passed a life of ease and gayety on their 
large plantations with numerous African slaves, the former felled 
the forests and built homes on the fertile and pleasant lands lying 
along the countless streams which watered the country. The 
Indians who lived beyond the mountains were a constant source 
of alarm. The woods teemed with game. As is the case in all 
frontier communities, the sterner and stronger qualities of men 

Slave labor was introduced into the territory embraced by 
Rowan County before it was taken from Anson. The list of taxa- 
bles for Rowan for the year after its establishment indicate that 
there were then fifty-four black taxables in the county. 1 As after 
this date the white and black taxables were not listed separately, 
there is no means of determining the number of slaves owned by 
the inhabitants. No doubt many others were brought in, but 
slavery did not assume such large proportions in Rowan as it did 
in the eastern counties. 

Practically all of the people derived their living from the soil. 
In the summer of 1755 Governor Dobbs visited the west in order 
to inspect his lands on Rocky River. Along the Yadkin he found 
fields of barley, wheat, rye, and oats. 2 Continuing his course to 
Rocky River, he visited between thirty and forty of the families 
situated on his lands. These people were prolific, there being 
from five to ten children in each family. The settlers raised 
horses, cows, hogs, and sheep, and planted Indian corn. They 
made butter and cheese and had "made good success with indigo." 3 

There were no stock-laws in those days. The cattle were 
branded by their owners and allowed to roam at large. 4 There is 

iCol. Rec, V, 575. 
2 Col. Rec, V, 355. 
3 Ashe, 289-290. 
4 Rumple, 39-41. 

A Colonial History of Rowan County 53 

record that the Moravians cultivated cotton and tobacco in addi- 
tion to grains and vegetables. 5 

Wild animals proved a great inconvenience to the frontier 
agriculturists. Accordingly bounties were offered to all persons 
who killed a wolf or a wild cat or a panther within ten miles of 
any settled plantation. 6 In 1767, an act was passed requiring 
every master or mistress of a plantation, or the overseer in case 
the owner did not reside in the county, to kill or cause to be killed 
every year seven crows or squirrels for each taxable under his or 
her control. Failure to do so was penalized by a fine of four pence 
for each crow or squirrel less than the required number, while 
those who killed more than were required were entitled to receive 
a bounty of four pence for each in excess of the requisite number. 7 

The rates charged by the tavern keepers of Salisbury may be 
of interest. In 1755, the inferior court fixed the following rates 
for keepers of ordinaries: 

For dinner of roast or boiled flesh, 1 shilling. 

For supper and breakfast, each, 6 pence. 

For lodging one night, good bed, 2 pence. 

For stablage (24 hours) with good hay or fodder, 6 pence. 

For pasturage first 24 hours, 4 pence. 

For every 24 hours thereafter, 2 pence. 

For Indian corn and other grain per quart, 2 pence. 8 

The people of Rowan and the other sections of the west were 
much more closely connected with Charleston commercially than 
with the coast towns of ISTorth Carolina, for it was to the South 
Carolina port that they sent their produce. In 1762, provision 
was made by the Assembly for building Campbelton on the Cape 
Fear River. It was thought that this town would be the means of 
bringing the trade which enriched the merchants of Charleston to 
the coast of iSTorth Carolina. 9 As this step failed to accomplish 
the desired end, a committee was appointed to lay out a road from 
the frontiers to Wilmington. 10 The committee having failed to 
act, in 1771 a commission was selected to plot a road from Meck- 

5 Clewell, 24. 

6 State Rec, XXIII, 784-785, 862, 971. 

7 StateRec, XXV, 510-511. 

8 Rumple, 41. 

"State Rec, XXV, 470. 

10 State Rec, XXIII, 753-754. 

54 James Sprunt Historical Publications 

lenburg courthouse and from Salisbury the "nearest and best 
way" to Campbelton. 11 The plan was not carried out by the 
committee, and the west continued its commerce with the mer- 
chants of Charleston. 

The people of the west had great difficulty in communicating 
with one another for want of roads. 12 Such roads as existed were 
far from being in a state of perfection. 

Practically all of the manufactured commodities were made in 
the home. Tompkins, in his "History of Mecklenburg County," 
says : "The people made their own hats and shoes, and wove their 
own cloth. They were hatters and shoemakers and weavers and 
tailors. They raised indigo for dyeing. They raised flax and 
made it into linen." 13 Though this statement is made primarily 
of the people of Mecklenburg County, it applies with equal truth 
to those of Rowan. 


Colonial Records of North Carolina. 

State Records of North Carolina. 

Ashe, S. A.: History of North Carolina. 

Bernheim: History of the German Settlements and the Lutheran 
Church in North and South Carolina. 

Caruthers, E. W.: Life of David Caldwell. 

Clewell, J. H. : History of Wachovia. 

Foote, W. H.: Sketches of North Carolina. 

Fries, W. H. : Forsyth County. 

Handbook of North Carolina (1886). 

Haywood, M. DeL. : Governor William Tryon. 

Hulme, E. M. : The Renaissance and Reformation. 

Hunter, C. L. : Sketches of Western North Carolina. 

Lawson, J.: History of North Carolina. 

Martin, F. X.: History of North Carolina. 

North Carolina Manual (1913). 

Raper, C. L.: North Carolina — A Study in English Colonial Gov- 

Tompkins, D. A. : A History of Mecklenburg County. 

Rumple, J.: History of Rowan County. 

Weeks, S. B.: Southern Quakers and Slavery. 

Williamson, H. : A History of North Carolina. 

Waddell, H. : A Colonial Officer. 

"State Rec, XXIII, 870-871. 
"Col. Rec, VII, 354. 
"Tompkins, 22-23. 


The James Sprunt Historical Publications 


The North Carolina Historical Society 



VOL.16 No. 2 








The following is the diary of a North Carolina farmer, Bart- 
lett Yancey Malone, who fought during the American War of 
Secession from July, 1861, to November, 1863, when he was cap- 
tured and made prisoner. He entered the Confederate Army at 
the age of twenty-three as a private and rose to the rank of a 
sergeant, being a member during his active service of the 6th 
North Carolina Regiment. As he said, this regiment at the time 
of his capture in battle on the Rappahannock River belonged to 
"General Hooks (Hoke) brigard Early Division Ewels Corps 
Leas Armey. ' ' As Iris story shows, Malone participated in most 
of the great battles and campaigns in Virginia, Maryland and 
Pennsylvania. After his capture, November 7, 1863, he was im- 
prisoned at Point Lookout, Maryland, where he remained until 
February 24th, 1865. 

An incpiiry as to the justification for the publication of this 
document would be pertinent, for on a cursory reading it seems 
little more than an extended weather report. Mr. Malone per- 
formed no extraordinary feat of heroism, at least none such was 
recorded ; he participated with individual distinction in no poli- 
tical movement of importance; he played no role which would 
cause historians to single him out for particular notice. His 
diary is reproduced here as a document of human interest which 
reveals, with much quaintness of expression, the thoughts of a 
simple soldier of the ranks — the thoughts, it is to be presumed, of 
a mass of men, which have oftentimes been inarticulate. There 
is a frankness about this diary that conveys inevitably, I believe, 
the conviction of sincerity. And there is a lack of emotion — as 
when in remarking on an event which, we are told, caused the sol- 
diers great grief, the death of Stonewall Jackson, he merely said, 
"And General Jackson died to-day, which is the 10th day of 
May" — an absence of bitterness and of complaints which, con- 
sidering the provocation of circumstances, make the diary of al- 
most as much interest because of these omissions as because of 
what is included. Perhaps the most conspicuously absent feature 

6 James Sprunt Historical Publications 

is that of any statement of the Southern cause for which he was 
fighting. Not only does the writer refrain from criticism of the 
North, but he omits to tell why he is fighting for the South. He 
assumes the Southern cause tacitly and of course. Mr. Malone was 
chiefly concerned with his job of being a soldier and, as there 
was no passion nor rancor in his story, there was likewise no ex- 
altation nor fervid declamation. He asserted no particular 
knowledge of military events nor predicted the result of any en- 
gagement. "What the result is to be is more than I no." He 
did not seem to have been especially elated by victory, and he 
was certainly not demoralized by defeat — not even that of 
Gettysburg. He committed himself on rare occasions to expres- 
sions which manifested a confidence in the ultimate outcome, as 
after a successful battle he said : ' ' We whipt them like we aul- 
ways do." He was unconsciously a brave man who took a sober 
sort of joy in fighting. On one occasion, when alluding to a battle 
of more than four hours in length, which began about three 
o'clock in the afternoon, he remarked: "we had a wright nice 
time of it from then on tell dark." There is no notice taken of 
the horrors of war, of bloody scenes which he must have witnessed 
on the battlefield ; nor were there any complaints made of the 
pains of the wounds he received. His attitude toward the enemy 
was unemotional, almost indifferent. He sometimes referred to 
the federal soldiers as "the Scamps," which, in view of the 
heated controversies of the time, must certainly be regarded as a 
mild term of reproach. It is true that he designated General 
Benjamin F. Butler as the "Yankee beast," but that was an ex- 
pression then so current in the South as to be conventional so far 
as Butler was concerned. Having done with these negative, 
though very significant, aspects, it might be said that, judging 
from the diary, Malone was chiefly thinking — possibly from a 
farmer's habit — of the weather with its attendant pleasures and 
discomforts and about food. 

One persistent habit of Malone was to record the texts of 
sermons which he heard, together with references to their biblical 
sources. This practice, in addition to revealing some interesting 
evidence as to the nature of Civil War sermons, will remind some 

The Diary of Bartlett Yancey Malone 7 

readers of the time when it was considered a cardinal sin to be 
unable to quote and cite the preacher's text. Religion affected 
him in this way not only, but it influenced his poetry. 

That part of the diary which describes Malone's experience 
as a prisoner at Point Lookout is, I think, an important and valu- 
able addition to the limited, first-hand material dealing with 
Southerners in Northern prisons. It was when writing his reflec- 
tions on prison life that the first note of despair comes into his 
journals. His criticism of the treatment of prisoners there may 
be summarized under four heads : First, there was not food 
enough. ' ' Our rations at Point Lookout was 5 crackers and a 
cup of coffee for Breakfast. And for dinner a small ration of 
meat 2 crackers three potatoes and a cup of soup. Sugar we 
have non. " Later he described the food supplied by saying, 
' ; Our Rations gets no better we get half a loaf of bread a day a 
smal slice of Pork or Beef or Sault Beef for Breakfast for dinner 
a cup of Been Soup and Supper we get non. ' ' Coffee and sugar, 
which last commodity had for a time been supplied, had 
been taken away. At one time his friends caught, cooked and 
ate a rat. Secondly, he wrote of the poor protection against the 
cold afforded the prisoners. Many had to sleep on the ground 
with only one blanket. "All the wood we get at Point Lookout 
is one sholder tirn of pine brush every other day for a tent. 16 
men to every tent. ' ' He recorded that five men froze to death on 
one night. Thirdly, he mentioned the frequent shooting of pris- 
oners by the guards for trivial reasons. At one time he states 
that a prisoner was shot and killed by the guard ' ' for no reason 
attall. " Fourthly, he rather bitterly resented the placing of 
negroes as guards over him. 

It will seem strange to some that the writer of this diary 
should have spelled General Lee's name, which undoubtedly was 
very familiar to him, as "Lea." This spelling of the famous 
name may be explained by the fact, of which I have been in- 
formed, that in Caswell County there were a number of people 
who spelled their name "Lea," as, indeed, did an officer of 
Malone 's regiment. This and other orthographic curiosities must 

8 James Sprunt Historical Publications 

be considered in the light of the fact that he was a graduate of 
the "corn field and tobacco patch" university. 

No serious editing has been undertaken. Outside of an oc- 
casional attempt to indicate in some cases the accurate form of 
certain proper names and places, the diary has been allowed to 
stand without comment as written. 

William Whatley Pierson, Jr. 
Chapel Hill, N. C, March 25, 1919. 


Bartlett Y. Malone was bornd and raised in North Carolina 
Caswell County in the Year of our Lord 1838. And was Gradgu- 
ated in the corn field and tobacco patch : And inlisted in the 
war June the 18th 1861. And was a member of the Caswell 
Boys Company which was comanded by Captian Michel (A. A. 
Mitchell) : And was attached to the 6th N. C. Regiment the 
9th day of July '61 which was comanded by Colonel Fisher who 
got kild in the first Manassas Battel which was July 21, 1861. 
And then was comanded by Colonel W. D. Pender untell the 
Seven Pines fight which was fought the 30th day of May '61.* 
And then Colonel W. D. Pender was promoted to Brigadier Gen- 
eral. And then Captain I. E. Avry (Avery) of Co. E was pro- 
moted to Lieutenant Colonel who was in comand untell about the 
10th of October when he was promoted to Colonel and still staid 
in comand untell the 2th day of July 1863 which was the day the 
fite was at Gettysburg whar he was kild. And then Lieut : 
Colonel Webb taken comand. 

Look hear Mr. Johnston did you ever go to Scolidge 
I dont no : I guess you mean coledg clout you, Bans : 
Yes, that what I said Scoledg : 

Oh go way from hear negro you dont no what you ar a talken 

Yes I do dat just what I said. 

His purposes will ripen fast 
Unfolding evry hour 
The bud may have a bitter taste 
But sweet will be the flower 

* For a history of the Sixth Regiment, see Clark (editor), North Carolina Regi- 
ments, 1861-1865, Vol. I (1901). 

10 James Sprunt Historical Publications 

May your days be days of pleasure 
May your nites be nites of rest 
May you obtain lif es sweetest pleasure 
And then be numbered with the blest. 

Whar ere you rome 
What ere your lot 
Its all I ask 
Forget me not. 

Remember me when I am gon 
Dear friend remember me 
And when you bow befour the throne 
then remember me. 

You are a charming little dandy 
Sweeter than the sweetest candy. 

Candy is sweet 
It is very clear 
But not half so sweet 
As you my dear 

One day amidst the plas 
Where Jesus is within 
Is better than ten thousen days 
Of pleasure and of Sin 

for grace our hearts to soften 
Teach us Lord at length to love 
We alas forget too often 
What a friend we have above. 

The Diary of Bartlett Yancey Malone 11 

All I like of being a Whale 
Is a water Spout and a tail. 

A certen cewer for the Toothack if the tooth is hollow take a 
pease of the scale that is on a horses leg and put it in the hollow 
of the tooth It is a serten cewer so sais J. H. Lyon. 

B. Y. M. 



The first day of January was a beautyfull day 

And William Hester died the last day of Dec. 1861 

The 2 day was a beautyfull one and nothing happend of 
eney interest that day. 

The 3 day was also a pritty day. 

The 4 day we' had a right smart snow and Mr. Compton is 
at our camp to day on a visit. 

The 5th which is the Sabath and ther is a right smart ice 
on the ground to day And Bethel is a cooking I. H. Jonstons 
big turkey for dinner. 

The 6th day was a very coal one indeed and the snow is 
about a half of a inch deep on the ground to day and Mr. I. T. 
Compton left our camp to day for home. 

The 7th day I was on gard and it was a very coal day. 

The 8th day was also coal and me and Bethel washed our 
close to day. 

The 9th day was a beautyfull And Mr. Thomas Martin 
arived at our camp today on a visit. 

The 10 day was cloudy but not much rain And I wrote a 
letter to S. F. Compton today. 

The 11 day was a very pritty day over head but powerfull 
muddy under foot. And nothing happend to day worth a 

The 12 day which is the Sabath and it is a beautifull sun- 
shiney day And me and Young eat our big oposam today for 
dinner and indeed it was sum good. 

The 13 was a very nice day indeed. 

The 14 day the snow was about shoe mouth deep And Mr. 
Clover and Young and Joshua and my self went a rabbit hunt- 
ing and caught one squirl And indeed we saw a heep of fun 
that day. 

The 15 day was a very bad day it raind all day and freezed 

The Diary of Bartlett Yancey Malone 13 

as it fell and at night there was about as much ice on the treese 
as I ever saw in my life. 

The 16 day was a wright warm day and the snow nearley 
all melted off of the ground by night 

The 17 day was very cool and cloudy 

The 18 day was sloppy day And I hird today that peas 
was made between the North and South and I hird that our 
men sunk a vessel down on the Potomac last night But indeed 
I dont beleave a word of it. 

The 19 day was a raney one and our Company was on picket 
gard at Greenwood Church which is in about 9 miles from Poco- 
quan And Mr. I. F. Richmond arived at our camp to day on 
a visit. 

The 20 day and it is still araning and nothing happend to- 
day of any interest 

The 21 is cloudy and a raning And I am on gard today at 
the camp 

The 22 was cloudy but no rain 

The 23 was cloudy and cool but no rain And thir was hevy 
canonading down on the Potomac to day 

The 24 was cool and cloudy in the morning and in the eavn- 
ing it was a snowing And Mr. Oliver and Young went to 
Dumpfreese to day for witnesses for Mr. B. Murphey. 

The 25 was a very cool day and Young went back to Dum- 
frieze to day again for witnes for B. Murphey. 

The 26 which was the Sabath was a beautyfull day indeed 

The 27 was a warm sunshiney day and we all went out on 
drill to day for the first time in too months And the Colonel 
praysed ous all and said that he was glad that we had not for- 
got en how to drill 

The 28th day was cloudy in the morning and clear in the 
eavning And I hope the Lieutenants get sum logs today to 
put a flower (floor) in his hous 

The 29 was a very pritty warm day, but after night it 
comenced raning And I was on gard to day And my post 
was right befour the Colonels house door. 

The 30 day was a raney day and nothing happend to day 

14 James Sprunt Historical Publications 

onley me and Marshal Walker was a playing and I hurt my face 
with a fence rail 

The 31 day was cloudy but not much rain And nothing 
happend today worth a menshionen. 

B. Y. Malone. 

The Month of February 1862 

The first day of February was a raney day indeed And 
nothing happened to day of eney interest 

The 2 day which was the Sabath was a very warm day 

The 3 day was a very bad day it snowed all day long and at 
night the snow was about six inches deep 

The 4 day was a very nice day over head and the snow 
melted very fast all day, and we boys saw a heep of fun that 
■day a snow bawling 

The 5 day was a very warm sunshiney day and the snow 
was nearly all melted off of the ground by night And nothing 
happend to day worth a namen 

The 6 day was a very raney one And Lieutenant Lea and 
Sergeant Couvington and H. Rudd and Mr. Balden all started 
home to day as recruiting officers. 

The 7 day was cold and cloudy And I was on gard to day 

The 8 day was very cool And Lieutenant Lea was promoted 
to Captian And Sergeant Olover promoted to Second Lieutenant 
to day And Nat Hester promoted to fourth Corporal 

The 9 day which was the Sabath was a very pritty day And 
Thomas Grinsted dide to day he was a private in Captian Leas 

The 10 day was clear but cool And we went out on drill 
today for the first time in severl weeks. 

The 11 day was a very cool day And me and Cousin Ander- 
son went down to the fourth Alabama Reg in a visit. 

The 12 day was a very pritty day indeed and I went to 
Dumfrieze today and then returned home 

The 13th day was a pritty warm sunshiney day And we 
went on drill twist that day. 

The 14th day a wright coal day. 

The Diary of Bartlett Yancey Malone 15 

The 15 day was a very bad day indeed it snowed all day 
long and at night the snow was about 3 inches deep on the 

The 16 day was a clear day and the snow melted a little 
And Mr. Luther Rudd dide to day about 8 oclock in the morning 

The 17 day was a xery bad day it rained all day and friezed 
as it fell. 

The 18 day was cloudy but warm and the ice melted off and 
I was on gard that day 

The 19 day was a very raney day indeed And Mr. I. R. 
Hester And Calvin Snipes arived at our camp today on a visit 

The 20 day was a beautifull day it looked like the spring of 
the year and Mr. I. R. Moore left our camps today to go home 
on a furlough 

The 21 day was cool and cloudy And ther was a wright 
smart excitement in camp today It was repoted that the Yankees 
Was a landing at Colchester 

The 22 day was cloudy and it rained a little in the morning 
And Mr. I. R. Hester and N. Snips left our camp today for home 

The 23 day was cloudy but not much rain 

The 24 day was clear and very windey indeed 

The 25 day was clear and cool And A. I. Brincefield started 
home today on a sick furlough 

The 26 day was cloudy but not much rain 

The 27 day was clear and Brother Albert arrived at our 
camps today on a visit 

The 28 day was clear but very windey and cool And ther 
was a wright smart stir in camps today for we had orders to 
pack our knapsacks and to be ready to inarch at a moments 
warning but wher we was to go too we did not no. Spring is 
now come. B. Y. Maloxe. 

The Month of March 1862 

The 1 day of March was clear and very cool And I was on 
gard in the day but being unwell I got excused from standing 
after night 

16 James Sprunt Historical Publications 

The 2 day it snowed tell the snow was about 2 inches on the 

The 3 day was cloudy and rained nearley all day 

The 4 day was clear and cool and our company was on picket 
gard today at Greenwood Chirch 

The 5 day was cloudy but no rain And Brother Albert left 
our camps today for home 

The 6 day clear in the morning and cloudy in the eavning 
And snowed o little And we had orders today from General 
Whiten (W. H. Whiting) to drill twist every day hear after 

The 7 day was clear but very cool and we have orders to cook 
too days rations and be ready to march in the morning but 
where we are agoing is more than I no 

The 8 day of March was cloudy and cool And our Regiment 
left camp Fisher today for Camp Barton 

The 9 day was clear and warm And we marched about 15 
miles to day on toward Camp Barton 

The 10 day was cloudy and raining in the morning but no 
rain in the eavning And we arrived at camp Barton about 3 
oclock in the eavning which is about 2 miles west of Frederks- 
burg (Fredericksburg) 

The 11 day was a beautyfull warm sunshiney day and we 
cleaned our streets and struck our tents today 

The 12 day was a beautyfull spring day and nothing occurd 
of eney interest 

The 13 day was warm and clear 

The 14 day was warm and cloudy but no rain And I was 
on gard at Camp Barton for the first time. 

The 15 day was a very raney day indeed 

The 16 day which was the Sabath was cloudy but no rain 
And our recruits got in today and the number of them was 45 

The 17 day was cool and cloudy but no rain and I hurd today 
that we had to march back to Richmond 

The 18 day was clear and warm And Lieutenant Colonel 
Lightfoot of the 6th N. C. S. T. was promoted to Colonel of the 
5th Alabama Regt today 

The 19 day was cloudy and cool 

The Diary of Bartlett Yancey Malone 17 

The 20 day was raney and very cool indeed 

The 21 day cloudy and cool but no rain 

The 22 day cloudy and sum rain And I was on gard and the 
counter sign was York Town 

The 23 day which was the Sabath was a beautyfull spring 
day and I went to Frederksburg to preaching And the preach- 
ers text was in St. John 3 chap and 18 virse 

The 23 day cool and cloudy 

The 24 cool and cloudy 

The 25 was a beautyfull day 

The 26 was also a nice day 

The 27 warm and clear 

The 28 was a beautyfull spring day and we have orders this 
eavning to cook 3 days rashers And I hird severl cannons fyer- 
ing this eavning but what is to be the result is more than I no 

The 29 day it raind and haild and snowed and sleated and 
friezed and done a little of all that was bad And me and James 
Colmond went to Fredreksburg and went down to the landing 
and went in a steam boat for the first one we ever was in 

The 30 day which was the Sabath was cool and raney 

The 31 day was a beautyfull day and I was on gard and my 
post was befour the gard house door so nothing more. 

B. Y. Malone 

The Month of April 1862 

The 6 day of April which was the Sabath was a beautyfull 
spring day And I went to Fredericksburg to meating and the 
Preachers text was in the first Book of Kings 18 chapter and 21 

The 7 day was a pritty one 

The 8 day was cool and raney And our Regiment left Camp 
Barton in the morning and marched on toward Richmond threw 
the wind and water and waded the creaks as they went 

The 9 was still cool and raney and we continued our march 
And about 3 o'clock in the eavning as we was marching threw 
a little Town cauld Balden Green it comenced halen and raining 
on ous very hard And then it was about 3 miles to the Depot 

18 James Sprunt Historical Publications 

wher we was to take the cars And we all got very wet befour 
we got ther And then about sundown we got in sum old horse 
cars and was run to Ashland which was about 22 miles And 
when we got ther I was wet and nearly frosen And I was on 
gard and they put me on post wright away and I had to stand 

2 hours And it was a snowing a little while I was a standing 

The 10 day was cool and cloudy in the morning but cleerd 
off about twelve and we stade in Town all day 

The 11 day was a pritty clear day and we stade in Town 
untell eavning And in the eavning we went out in the woods 
about a mile from Town and struck our tents for the night 

The 12 day was a very pritty one 

The 13 day was also a nice one And William Jeffrus of our 
Company dide this morning And we had a Preacher to preach 
in our camp today and his text was in the Second Book of Kings 
6 chapter and 15 and 16 and 17 virses. 

The 14 of April was a very pritty day And our Regiment 
left Ashland for Yolktown (Yorktown) And our rought was 
down by Hanover Coathouse 

The Second day we still continued our march And also the 

3 and fourth we marched And the 5 day we marched and past 
threw the town of Williamsburg about 9 o'clock in the morning 
And about an hour before the sun set we arrived at General 
Johnston Headquarters which is in about a mile of Yolktown 
wher we stopt to wait for the Battle. 

The 29 day of April was a beautyful day And Calvin Snips 
got back today from home And the Reverant Mr. Stewart from 
Alexander preached in our camp this eavning and his text was 
this : I am the Lord of Host : 

The Month of May 

The 2 day of May was a beautyful one And we had orders 
to leave Yorktown And soon in the morning the wagons was 
loded and everything sent off but our knapsacks and about 12 
o'clock the Artillery was all plast (placed) in a line of battle 
acrost the field and about dark we was all marched out behind it 
and Colonel Pender told ous that they expected a large fight 

The Diary of Bartlett Yancey Malone 19 

the next day and we lade ther in the field all night with our 
guns by our side And next morning we marched out in the woods 
And we stade ther untell about 2 o 'clock in the night And then 
we was rousted up and marched about a half a mile and then 
for sume cause we was stopt and sent back And then about day- 
break we started again and taken the same road back that we 
come down And about 12 oclock we got to Williamsburg and 
we onley went about 4 miles futher tell we stopt to stay all night 
And about 4 oclock in the earning the Yankees Calvery over- 
taken ours clost to Williamsburg and we had a little brush but 
our men whipt thirs and we onley lost one kild and 3 or 4 
wounded And we kild 9 of thirs and wounded severl and taken 
10 horses And the 5 day was a very raney one indeed and we 
was rousted up about 2 oclock in the night and marched all day 
threw the mud and water and at night we arived in about 2 miles 
of West Point 

The 6 day we stade in camp untell about one oclock And it 
was reported that the Yankees was alanding down at West Point 
and we was all run out in a file and plast in a line of battel ex- 
pecting a fight but did not and about dark we marched back to 
our camp and about 8 oclock in the night we marched about a 
mile to another plase for sum cause and then stade thar all night 
And the next morning which was the 8 was a beautyful one and 
the Yankees was alanding at West Point and about 8 o 'clock we 
was marched down to the intended battle field And from that 
time untell 12 oclock we was a scurmishing and a running from 
one place to another hunting the scamps And in the eavning 
we marched back in the woods and stade thar untell about 12 
oclock in the night And then marched about a mile futher back 
And stad thar all night And then as soon as day broke we started 
on our march again And about 3 oclock in the eavning we got 
to West Point coathouse whar we found General Johnston and 
all of his men And then we marched about 2 miles futher and 
stop for the night 

And the 9 day we rested untell about 12 oclock and then 
started out on our march again and befour we had gone a mile 
we hird that our Cavalry was attacked by the Yankees And 

20 James Sprunt Historical Publications 

then we had to stop and wate a while but we whipt them like we, 
aulways do And then we marched on but dident git but 3 miles 
that day And the 10 day we dident march but about a mile for 
we was expecting the Scamps to attack us but they did not 

The 11 day which was the second Sunday in May was a 
beautyfull day indeed And we rested all day And the Rev- 
erant Mr. Stewart from Alexander preached to us again today 

The 12 day we still stade in camp and Mr. Fossett preached 
for us today. And his text was in the first of Timothy 2 chapter 
and 8 virse 

The 13 day was clear and warm 

The 14 cloudy and a raining 

The 15 raney And we left Camp. Eoad today about 12 
oclock and marched on toward Richmond 

And the 16 we marched 

And the 17 we got to our camp clost to Richmond 

The 26 day of May was a nice one but about 12 oclock in the 
night it comenced raining very hard And about 1 oclock we 
was rousted up and did expect to attack the Yankees about day 
but it rained so hard we did not go 

And the 27 day it rained till about 10 oclock and then cleard 
off And about 3 oclock in the eavning the fight comenced down 
about Hanover Coathouse we surposed but we was not cauld out 
And I was promoted today to fourth Corporel 

The 28 day was clear and about a hour befour the sun set we 
left our camp And march all night down toward Hanover 
Coathouse And we past in about three hundred yards of the 
Yankeys pickets And then we stopt and rested about 3 hours 
And about 8 oclock the next day we started back and went about 
5 or 6 miles and stopt for the night 

And the next day we went back in about a mile and a half of 
Richmond and staid thar all night 

And the next morning which was the 30 we left and marched 
down toward Chickahominy And about three oclock in the 
eavning we was led in to the Battel field by Colonel Pender 
And we had a wright nice time of it from then tell dark 

And the next morning which Was the first day of June the 

The Diary of Bartlett Yancey Malone 21 

fight comenced a little before the sun rose And we was plast 
(placed) in a line of Battel And was expecting to go in to it 
evry minuet but we staid there all day and was not cauld on ; 
General Longstreet divishion don the most of the fighting on 
Sunday And from that time till the 11th we stade in the Swamp 
down on Chickahoininy River 

And the 11 day we left Chickahominy And went to Rich- 
mond and taken the cars and went to the Junction that night 

And the next morning we left thar And about a hour befour 
the sun set we arived at Linchburg 

And the 12 day we stade at Linchburg 

And the 13 day we got on the cars about dark and the next 
morning we found our relief at Sharlottsvill (Charlottesville) 
which was about 75 miles from Linchburg And we chainged 
cars at that plase And the 14 day we traveld threw the Moun- 
tins And about too hours befour the sun set we got to the 
little town cauld Staunton And we stade ther tell the 18 And 
the 18 which was just twelve months from the time I taken the 
oath we left Staunton And marched about 15 miles wright 
back the railroad the way we came down And stade all night 
at a little town cauld Wainsborough (Waynesboro) clost to the 

And the next morning we eroust over the Blew ridg and 
marched to Mitchiners River And staid thar all night And 
the next morning which was the 20 we taken the cars at Mitch- 
iners River and road up to Sharlottsvill And then taken a 
railroad thar that went to Gordnesvill And we got to Gordnes- 
vill about 2 oclock in the eavning and we taken the Richmond 
Railroad thar And road about 25 miles toward Richmond 
at a station cauld Frederickshall And thar we got off 

The 21 we stade at Frederickshall 

And also the 22 we stade thar 

And the 23 we started out again on our march and marched 
all day long threw the hot sun and dust for it was very hot and 
dusty the 23 but it raind that night. 

And the next day (which was the 24) we still continued our 
rout and when we stopt for night we was in 6 miles of Ashland 

22 James Sprunt Historical Publications 

And the 25 we travield all day long and at night we campt 
a mile west of Ashland 

And the 26 Ave travield sloley down the Chickahominy River 
driving in the pickets as we went 

And the 27 we still went on and about 3 oclock in the eavning 
we come up with the main body of the Yankees (at Cold Harbor) 
and attacked them And from that time untell dark we had a 
wright warm time of it But we whipt them And in our com- 
pany A. Burk was kild and A. Tucker and Page was slitley 

And the 28 we marched about a mile the other side of the 
battle field and stade thar all day, 

And the 29 we stade at the same place And about 2 oclock 
in the eavning we had orders to fall in to march but we did not 
go And as we was stacking our amies again one of Captain 
Tates men shot another one threw the thigh but it was don 

And the 30 we was rousted up about too oclock in the night 
and about day break we started out again And crost the 
Chickahominy River and marched untell we came to the York 
river Railroad 8 miles below Richmond And then we taken 
down the Railroad and about 2 hours befour sunset we come to 
a little creak whar the Yankees had burnt the bridg And left 
sum of thir peases thar to bumb us so we couldent build the 
bridge untell they could get thir armey futher along, And we 
never got the bridge built untell next morning about a half of 
a hour by sun 

The Month of July 1862 (Also August to December) 

And the next morning whitch was the first day of July just 
twelve months from the time I left home we crost over and 
about 10 oclock we overtaken the scamps again And they 
comenced throwing bumbs amung us And we aiming them 
And thar was a very heavey canonading cept up all day And 
a little befour night the pickets comenced fyring And from 
that time untell about a hour in the night thar was very hard 
fiting don indeed And a great meney kild and wounded on. 

The Diary of Bartlett Yancey Malone 23 

boath sids in our company M. Miles L. Smith, B. Murphey, I. 
Calmond, G. Lyons And my self was all hurt 

And the next day which was the second was a very rany 
day indeed And our Regiment moved back in the woods a peas 
and stade thar all day 

And the next day we marched back about three miles toward 
Richmond and stopt for the night 

And the 4 day we marched down on James River about 25 
miles from Richmond 

And the 5 we stade at the same plase untell sun down And 
then our Regiment had to go on picket And we marched down 
in about a mile of the Yankees and sent out our detail 

And also the 6 day we was on picket at the same plase 

And the 7 day we was releaved about twelve oclock And 
then we marched back about a mile in the woods 

And the 8 we stade thar untell about 4 oclock in the eavning 
And then we started out for Richmond And we marched untell 
about 10 oclock in the night and we got as far as White Oak 
Swamp which was about 10 miles from the plase whar we 

And the 9 day we started again about 4 oclock and we got in 
about 3 miles of Richmond And then we moved up in about a 
mile and a half of Richmond and taken up camp and the 11 we 
got sum flages and put them up And Mr. I. H. Compton ar- 
rived at our camp today on a viset 

And the 12 day we still stade in camp And also the 13 we 
stade in camp and Mr. I. H. Compton left our camps today for 
home for him. And we still staid at Richmond untell the 7 of 
August And then we left thar And marched about four miles 
toward Ashland And when we stopt it was dark And then our 
company had to go about 5y 2 miles futher to stand picket and 
it was 12 oclock in the knight when we got to the plase whar we 
we was to stand : 

And the next morning we was releived and we had to go 
back to our Regiment again : 

And the 9 day we started out again about four oclock in the 
eavning and marched untell about one oclock in the knight 

24 James Sprunt Historical Publications 

And when we stopt we was about thre miles beyond Ashland 
which was about 15 miles from the plase whar we started from 

And the 10 day we started again about 4 oclock and we went 
as far as Hanover Junction which was about 6 miles 

And the 11 day we started in the morning and marched about 
5 miles down clost to a little river and stopt again to take up 

And the 14 day our Regt left thar and marched up toward 
Gordensvill And I was not able to go with them so they ex- 
cused me and started me back to the Hospital clost to Richmond 
And we had to walk to Hanover Junction which was about 4 
miles And we had to stay thar all next day for we could not 
get eny cars to tak us eney futher 

And the 16 day we got on the cars about 8 oclock and got to 
the Hospital about 11 And then I staid at the Hospital untell 
the 2 day of September And then I taken the cars at Rich- 
mond and got as far as Gordensvill the first day 

And the 3 day we rode on the cars as far as Rapadan River 
and Bridg was burnt thar and then we had to walk from thar 
to our Regiment And it was 115 miles to Winchester And 35 
from thar to the Reg. but we left Rapadan the 4 day and walked 
up the railroad to Culpeper Coathouse which was 12 miles from 
Rapadan River 

And the 5 day we taken the turnpike road and marched as 
far as "Warrenton Springs which was 18 miles from Culpeper 

And the 6 day we got to Warrenton about 12 oclock which 
was 7 miles from AVarrenton Springs And by nite we got to a 
littel Town by the name of Baultimore And it was 5 miles from 

And the 7 day we got to a littel town by the name of Hay- 
market about 12 oclock And we dident get but about 4 miles 
futher that day for we had to stop to get sompthing to eat 

And the 8 day we got as far as Aldie and it was about 15 
miles from Haymarket 

And the 9 day we got to Leasburg and it was about 12 miles 
from Aldie 

And the 10 day we past threw a littel town by the name of 

The Diary of Bartlett Yancey Malone 25 

Hamelton and it was about 5 miles west of Leasburg And the 
11 day we got to Snigerville about nite and it was 10 miles from 

And the 12 day we crost over the Blew ridge in the morning 
and about 10 oclock we crost Shandal River and it was about 4 
miles from Snigersville And by nite we got to Berrysville and 
it was 5y 2 miles from Shanandoah 

And the 13 day we got to Windchester and it was about 10 
miles from Berryville 

And then we stade at "Windchester untell the 16 and then we 
started to Harpersferry and we got as far as Berryville the first 
day and then taken the left hand road and got as far as Charles- 
town the 17 day 

A^ iX> p : - n day we crost the Potomac at bliepaius town abunL 
nite and it ... *.*. .^ ^ -j.±wville 

And the 19 day we crost back again and got as far as Charles- 
town by night and the 20 day we got to Berryville again 

And the 21 we travaild untell we got in 4 miles of Windches- 
ter and then taken the wright hand road to go to Martinsburg 
and we past by the Burnt Factory and got as far as Jordons 
Sulphur Springs by night. 

And the 22 day we got to a littel town by the name of Buck- 
town and the 23 day we got to our Reg. and it was clost to 
Martinsburg and Martinsburg was about 22 miles from Wind- 

And then the 27 the Regiment left thar and marched in five 
miles of Windchester 

The 22 of October was cool and very windy indeed and the 
23 was clear and cool and we had a General revew 

And the 24 we left our old camp and marched about a mile 
near to Windchester to pease of woods and taken camps in them 

And the 28 we left thar for Culpeper and got as far as 
Shanadoah River the first day 

And the 30 day the fields was white with froust and about 
sun up we waded the River at Front Royal and by night we got 
as far as a littel town by the name of Flint Hill 

26 James Sprunt Historical Publications 

And the 31 day we marched all day and got in five miles of 
Culpeper by nite 

And the first day of November we got to Culpeper 

And the second day which was the sabath I went to meating 
at Culpeper And the preachers text was in St : John 16 chapter and 11 virses 

And the 3 day we marched over to the old battel field at 
Sedar Run which was about 3 miles from Culpeper and stopt 
again for camp 

And the 7 day it snowed 

And the 8 day the Second and 11 Myssissippians left our 
Bregaid and the 54 and 57 N. C. taken thir plases 

And the 9 day was a very cool day 

And the 10 day was a pritty one indeed and thar was r„ very 
hevy canonading cept up all „ $ . a& .,.— ^ween Culpeper 
and "Windchester and we had orders to cook rashions and ex- 
pected to be cauld on evry minnet but was not 

And the 18 day we left Culpeper for Fredericks and the 
first day we was as far as Rapidan River by nite and we marched 
all day threw the rain and mud the 20 and also the 21 and the 
22 we got to Fredericks about 12 o'clock 

And the 5 day of December it raind all day and about night 
it comenced snowing and snowed untell it was about a inch and 
a half deep on the ground And the 6 day and 7 was very cool 

And the 11 day the too signerl guns was fyerd just befour 
day and we was run out in a line of battel and kept so all day 
and the Yankees crost over the River that day 

And the 12 day we was marched around to the left of our 
armey and was expecting to have to fight every minnet but did 
not for thar was no fiting don except the pickets and canonading 

And the 13 we was marched back to the wright and laid in a 
line of battel all day under the Yankees shells but non of ous 
got hurt 

And that nite we was sent to the front on picket and laid 
clost to the enemey all nite and went marching about day we 
comenced fyring at them and cept it up all day and there was 
about 15 kild and wounded in our Rea;t : but non kild in our 

The Diary of Bartlett Yancey Malone 27 

Company, B. Richmond and P. S. Donahan was slightly 
wounded and that nite we marched back in the woods And we 
staid thar all day the next day and at nite we had to bild ous 
sum brest works 

And the next morning which was the 16 General Hood came 
riding up and said well Boys you all did such great works hear 
last nite that you scard the Yankees on the other side of the river 
but we staid thar all day 

And the next morning which was the 17 we marched back 
to our old camps 

And the 24 day was cool and cloudy and it was wash day 
with me. 

And the 25 which was Christmas morning was foggy but soon 
cleard off and was a pritty day but I dident have nothing to drink 
nor no young ladies to talk too so I seen but little fun 

And the 26 was a warm cloudy day and me and M. "Walker 
went to the depot 

And the 27 we and Lewis Smith went back to the Depot and 
after nite I went to the show to see the Monkey. 

And the 28 day was clear and warm and Preacher Miller of 
Company .C. preached for ous in the evening and his text was 
in 126 Psalms and third virse the Text was this The Lord hath 
done great things for us : Whereof we are glad : 

And the 29 day was a prity warm sunshiney day And I was 
on divishion gard at General Hoods headquarters 

And the 30 day was warm and cloudy but no rain 

And the 31 day which was the last day of 1862 was cool and 
cloudy and our Regiment had muster inspection in the day and 
at nite our Company had to go on picket gard down the bank of 
the Rapahanok River whar we was in about a hundred yards of 
the Yankees pickets they was on one side of the river and we 
was on the other we was in talken distence but our officer would 
not alow ous to talk they would cum down on the bank and 
hollow to ous and say if we would bring the boat over that they 
would come over on our side and have a talk. So that was the 
last of our works for the year 1862. 

Bartlett Y. Malone 

Co. H. 6th N. C. Regiment 


The Month of January 

The first day of January was a pritty day and our Company 
was on picket down on the Rapahanock River about a mile and 
a half below Fredericksburg Va. 

And the 2 day was also a nice one 

And also the 3 was a pritty day 

And the 4 day was a pritty warm day and we all was on 
Bregaid inspection the 4th. 

And the 5 day was warm and looked like the spring of the 
year and we was all on Bregaid Drill the 5 day down on the 
old Battel field. 

And the 6 day was cloudj^ and raind a littel 

And the 7 day was clear and cool and we all was in General 

And the 8 day was cloudy and cool 

And the 9 day was clear and cool and we all was on Divishion 
revew again General Hood was our revewing Officer 

And the 10 day was cloudy and raind all day long 

And the 11 was cloudy and cool 

And the 12 day was a pritty day 

And also the 13 

And the 14 was warm and cloudy and we built a chimly to 
our tent today 

And the 15 day was warm but very winday and R. H. Wells 
started home this morning on a furlogh 

And the 16 day was a very pritty warm day and we had 
orders to cook too days rations we was expecting the Yankees 
to cross the River again but they did not 

And the 17 day was clear but very col indedd : 

And the 18 was cool 

And the 19 was warm and I was on gard 

And the 20 was cloudy and cool 

And the 21 was a very cool and raney day, 

And also the 22 day was raney and very cool. 

The Diary of Bartlett Yancey Malone 29 

And the 23 day was cloudy in the morning and cleared off 
warm about an hour befour the sun set 

And the 24 day was warm and cloudy and the old Brady 
6th and 54 and 56 N. C. Regt was transferrd from the old 3 
bregaid which was comanded by General Law (E. M. Law) to 
the 7 Bregaid which was comanded by General Hoik (R. F. 

And the 25 day was cloudy and raind a littel in the morn- 
ing about 12 olclock and we got to General Hoik (Hoke) Bre- 
gaid about 11 oclock which was 15 miles from General Lows 
(Law's) Bregaid whar we started from : 

And the 26 day was warm and cloud}" 

And the 27 was a very raney day indeed 

And when I got up the morning of the 28 it was a snowing 
and it snowed all day long 

And the 29 day was clear and cool and the snow was about 
10 inches deep on the ground 

And the 30th was clear and cool 

And the 31 was pritty and Mr. Mitchel Johnston and Mr. 
John Evans arrived at our camp today on a visit. 

The Month of February 1863 

The first day of February which was the Sabath was a pritty 
spring day 

And the 2 day was cloudy and raind in the morning but 
clear and very windy in the eavning 

And the 4 day was cloudy cool and windy 

And the 5 day it Snowed in the morning and raind in the 

And the 6 day was raney 

And the 7 clear and warm 

And the 8 day which was the Sabath was a beautyfull spring 
like day 

And the 9 was also prity and 

And the 10th day was snowing and also the 11 was 

And the 12th was a pretty warm day. 

The the 13 was clear and cool. 

30 James Sprunt Historical Publications 

And the 14th was cool and clear. 

And the 15 was warm 

And the 16 was warm and clear 

And the 17 was a snowey day and we all had to go on picket 
down at Port Koyal. 

And the 18th it raind all day long and the snow nearly all 
melted of by nite and we still stade on picket 

And the 19th was cloudy but no rain and we returned to 
our Regiment 

And the 20 was warm and clear 

The 21 was warm and clear 

The 22 was a very bad day it snowed and the wind blew all 
day and at nite the snow was about a foot deep. 

And the 23 day was warm and clear but the snow dident 
melt no great deal 

And the 24 was warm and General Stokes Bregaid and 
General Lautons (Lawton?) had a snow ballen 

And the 25 was a warm sunshiney day 

And the 26 was a raney day and nearley all of the snow was 
gone by nite. 

And the 27 was warm and cloudy and our Brass Ban got 
back from Richmond. 

And the 28 which was the last day of February was coal 
and cloudy. And Mr. Portland Baley of Company D. 6th Regi- 
ment N. C. Troops was shot to death to day at 2 oclock with 

Now the dark days of winter is gon And the bright days of 
Spring is come. 

B. Y. Malone. 
The Month of March. 

The first day of March was coal and raney in the morning 
and in the eavning it was clear and very windy And the 2 day 
was a beautyfull Spring day. 

And the 3 day was a beautyfull one and our Regiment left 
the old camp clost to Port Royal and marched back clost to 
Fredericksburg and taken camp again clos to the one we left 

The 16 day of March was cloudy and coal And Mr. Stons 

The Diary of Bartlett Yancey Malone 31 

in Co. F. 57 N. C. Regiment was shot to death to day with 

The 17th of March the Yanks crossed the Raphanock River 
at Keleys foad and our calvry whipt them back. 

And the 20 was cloudy in the morning and snowed alittel in 
the eavning and Mr. I. H. Compton arived at our camp today 
on a visit And the 21 it Snowed untell it was about 3 inches 
deep on the ground 

And the 22 the snow all melted off And Mr. Compton and 
Johnston left camp today for home. 

The last day of March the Snow was about 3 inches deep on 
the ground. 

The Month of April (May and June) 

The 4 day April was cloudy and coal in the day and after 
nite it comenced Snowing And the morning of the 5 the Snow 
was about 3 inches deep on the ground and five companys of 
our Regt had to go on picket down on the Raphanock River 

And the 6 day was clear and warm and the snow nearly all 
melted of by nite and we still staid on picket and the 7 day 
we retired to our camps. 

The 18 day which was the Sabath was a beautyfull Spring 
day and General Jackson s preacher preached in our camps and 
his text was in Hebrews 3 chapter and part of the 7 and 8 virses 
the words was this : To day if ye will hear his voice harden 
not your harts. 

The 23 day was raney and we had orders about nite to cook 
too days rations thar was sum few Yankees crossed over the 
river at Port Royal and taken a wagon or too from our men 
but they soon went back and our Regt dident have to leave the 

The 26 day of April which was the Sabath was a beaiuyfull 
day And I went to meating at General Jackson Headquarters 
And the Preacher taken part of the 16th chapter of Luke coru- 
mencen at the 18 virse for the foundation of what remarks he 
made And in the eavning we had preachen in our Regiment 
from a preacher in the 18th Virginia Regiment. And his text 

32 James Sprunt Historical Publications 

was in Proverbs 18th chapter and the later clause of the 24th 
virse which reads thus: Ther is a friend that sticketh closter 
than a brother : 

The morning of the 28 befour I got up I herd a horse come 
threw the camp in a full lope and it was not meney minutes 
untell the man come back and sais Boys you had better get up 
we will have a fight hear to reckly and I comenced geting up 
and befour I got my close on they comenced beating the long 
roal and it was not but a minnet or too untill I herd the Adger- 
tent hollow fall in with armes the Reg : then was formed and 
marched to the Battel field the Yankies comenced crossing the 
river befour day and by day they had right smart force over 
the pickets fought sum on the 29 and a good deel of canonading 
was don and it raind sum in the eavning 

The morning of the 30th it was a railing and evry thing was 
very still untill about twelve oclock it ceased raning about ten 
o'clock they comenced cannonading and cept it up untill dark 

The first morning of May 63 our Regiment had to go in 
front on picket it was very foggy in the morning but soon got 
clear as soon as the fog was off we found the Yankees had a very 
strong line of Scirmishers in about 5 hundred yards of ours we 
cood see a great meney Yankees on the other side of the river 
but we couldent tell how meney was on this side we could hear 
very hevy canonading up the river in the eavning It is repoted 
that our men and the Yankees was a f yting at Keleys Foad : 

The 2 day of May was a very pritty day and our Regiment 
was relieved from picket about day and fell back to our brest 
works again our men fyerd on the Yankies from too Batterys 
about 10 o'clock and the Yankies returned the fyer from one 
Battery it was kept up about a hour but no damedge don as I 
have herd of we can still hear them a fyting at Keley's Foad 

And about 5 o'clock in the eavning we could see the Yankees 
a marchen up on the other side of the river by regiments and 
most all went back from on this Side of the river and General 
Earley thought that they was all a going back and taken all of 
his men but a Louisiana Bregaid and started to reinforce Gen- 
eral Lea And about the time we had gone 6 miles they come 

The Diary of Bartlett Yancey Malone 33 

orders that the Yankees was atvancen again whar we had left 
And then we had to turn back and march all the way back about 
10 o'clock in the nite. And the nest morning which was the 3 
day our men comenced Burning (bombing) the Yankees and 
they returned the fyer and ther was right smart canonading 
and picketing don untell about 12 o 'clock and then for sum cause 
we was all ordered to fall back about a half of a mile to our last 
breast works but as soon as dark come we marched about 2 miles 
up the River. 

And the next day which was the 4 we was marching about 
first from one plais to a nother a watching the Yankees untell 
about a hour by sun and the fight was opend our Bregaid went 
in and charged about a half of a mile and just befour we got 
to the Yankee Battery I was slitley wounded above the eye with 
a peas of a Bumb non was kild in our company. Lieutenant 
"Walker was slitley wounded in the side. I. R. Allred was 
wounded in the arm hat to have it cut off. I. E. Calmond was 
slitley wounded in the arm. I. L. Evins had his finger shot off — 
the fift day we found the Yankees had all gon back on the other 
side of the River and we marched back down to the old camp 
ground and taken up camp again 

The 10 day of May which was the second Sunday was a very 
pretty day and I went to headquarters to preaching and the 
preachers text was in Romans the 8th chap and 28 virse the 
words was this : And we know that all things work together 
for good to them that love God. And General Jackson died to 
day which is the 10th day of May 

The 17 and 18 days was pritty and warm and our Regiment 
was on picket down on the Raphanoc and the 18th we got 
back to the camp : 

And again the 25th we had to go on picket And the 27 we 
got back about 12 oclock and in a few minuets after we got back 
we had to go on a General Revew General R. E. Lea revewed 
General Earleys Divishion. 

The last day of May we had marchen orders and after nite 
Mr. Tassett preached in our Regt his text was in St. Johns 3 
chapt & 16th virse. 

34 James Sprunt Historical Publications 

The 4th day of June about 11 Oclock in the nite we left our 
old camp clost to Fredericksburg and marched twar Culpeper 
and bout 6 O'clock the 5th day we got to Spotsylvaney Coat- 
house and about 2 o'clock in the eavning we stopt for to camp 
for the nite after marchen about 20 miles that day And the 
6th day we stade in camp untell about 2 'clock in the eavning 
for General Hils core was a fiting at Fredericksburg the Yankees 
crossed ther after they found out that we had left we marched 
about 8 miles the 6th day and it raind on ous very hard befour 
we taken up camp. 

And the 7th day we started on our march about sun up and 
about 12 o'clock we waded Rapadan River at Rackoon Foad 
and about 4 O'clock in the eavning we stopt to camp again 
in about 5 miles of Culpeper Coathouse. 

The 8th day we marched up to Culpeper and stopt to cook 
Rations The 8 day we staid at Culpeper untell about 3 'clock 
in the eavning and then we was ordered down to Brandy Sta- 
tion about 4 miles from Culpeper whar the Calvry hat bin 
fiting all day and we staid all nite and the next morning we 
found that the Yankees had all gon back on the other Side of 
the River and we marched back to Culpeper again and cooked 
another days rations and about 3 O'clock in the eavning we 
started again in the direction of Winchester and we got as far 
as Hasel Run (Hazel Run or Deep Run) by nite And the next 
morning which was the 11th we started about sun up and 
about 9 O'clock we got to a littel town cauld Woodwin and 
whilst we was a passen threw the 6th N. C. Brass Ban plaid the 
Bonnie Blew Flag. And about eleven O'clock we got to a 
littel town cauld Sperysvill 5 miles from Woodwin And about 
2 O'clock in the eavning we past threw Washington and ther 
we found a meney pritty and kind Ladies they had water all 
along the streets for the Soldiers to drink and we dident go but 
a few miles futher untell we stopt for the nite after going about 
20 miles that day. 

And the morning of the 12th we started about sun up and 
about 3 o'clock in the eavning we crossed over the Blew Ridg 
and past threw a littel town cauld Front Royal and about a 

The Diary of Baetlett Yancey Malone 35 

mile from ther we waded the Slionadoak River and taken up 
camp on the other bank that nite. 

And the morning of the 13th we started at day and when 
we got in 12 miles of Winchester we found that the Yankees 
was at New Town on the Pike road running from "Winchester to 
Strawsburg (Strasburg) 7 miles from Winchester and we turnd 
and went by ther and caught up with the Yankees about half 
way from ther to Winchester and attacked them and drove them 
back about a mile by nite 

And the next morning which was the 11th General Hooks 
(Hoke) Bregaid and General Smith and Hoses (?) all moved 
around to the west of Winchester and taken 20 peases of artil- 
lery with ous and when we got opersit the Yankees work the 
artillery taken ther position and about 3 o'clock in the eavning 
our Baterys opend on them taken them on surprise and General 
Hares (?) and General Smith Bregaid charged on them and 
taken their first line of brest works befour nite And General 
Johnstons (Johnson) Divishion was a fiting them on the other 
Sid clost to town 

And the next morning which was the 15th the Yankees had 
left their works and was a trying to make thir escape toward 
Martiixsburg but about day they run up on General Johnstons 
divishion about 5 miles from town wher three Regt of them was 
maid to stack thir armes and a grate meney kild and wounded 
we then marched down to whar Johnston fought them that 
morning and stopt and staid ther all day 

And the next morning about 10 o 'clock our Regt was marched 
back to Winchester for Provost gard and about a hour befour 
sun down I was sent to Taylor's Hotell with 10 men to gard the 
Yankees Prisoners And I staid ther the next day and also 
the next 

And the next morning which was the 18th I was relievd 
about 9 O'clock and started after my Regiment and about 3 
o 'clock in the eavning we got to Smithfield and by nite we got to 
a littel plais cauld Leas Town which was 22 miles from Win- 
chester and we staid ther all nite and the next morning we over- 

36 James Sprunt Historical Publications 

taken our Regiment about five miles from ther wher we staid 
all day 

And the next day we staid ther 

And the 22th we taken up a line of march again about day 
and about 7 o'clock we past threw Shepardstown and ther 
waded the Potomae and landed in Maryland about 8 oclock 
And about 3 miles from ther we past threw Sharpsburg And 
about 3 miles from ther we past threw Ketersvill And about 3 
miles from ther we past threw Boonesboro and about 3 miles 
from ther we stopt to camp. 

The 23 we left about day and when we had gon about 4 
miles we come to Beversvill and about 7 miles from ther we 
past threw Coverstown And about a mile from ther we past 
threw Smithburg whar we found a good meney Secesh And 
about 2 miles from ther we got to a littel town cauld Ringgoal 
wright war the line run between M. D. & Pa. And about 2 
miles from ther we stopt to camp and cook rations closs to 

The morning of the 24 we left about 7 oclock and after 
marching about 5 miles we come to a town cauld Quincy And 
about 3 miles from ther we past threw Funktown and about 4 
miles from ther we got to Greenswood whar we taken up camp 
for the nite but our company had to go on gard at a town cauld 
Faytvill about 2 miles off. 

The morning of the 25th I got a Splendid breakfast in Fayt- 
ville And about 2 Oclock in the eavning we was releaved and 
went back to the Regt : 

And the next morning which was the 26th we had orders to 
leave at day break but it was a raning so hard we dident leave 
untell about 8 oclock and it dident Still sease raning but raind 
all day but we got as far as Momenburg by nite which was 14 
miles from wher we left in the morning And our Calvery taken 
a 135 prisners clost to the lettel town 

The 27 we left about 6 oclock and after marching about 6 
miles we come to a town cauld Hunterstown And about 4 miles 
from ther we got to New Chester And 3 miles from ther we 

The Diary of Bartlett Yancey Malone 37 

got to Hampton And 3 miles from ther we got to Berlin wher 
we taken camp for the nite 

The 28th we left at sun up and about 12 oclock we got to 
Yolk which was 12 miles from Berlin : 

The 29th we stade at Yolk in the Yankees Hospital. 

The 30th we left at day break and taken the same road back 
that we com And about 12 oclock we got back to Berlin again 
And when we stopt for nite we was about 20 miles from Yolk : 

The Month of July 

The first morning of July we left earley and about 12 oclock 
we got to Gatersburg (Gettysburg) which was about 10 miles 
from wher we started in the morning And when we got there 
we found the Yankies was ther And in a few minutes after 
we got ther we was ordered to the f eal Our Bregaid and Gen- 
eral Haser (Hays) charged the enemy and soon got them routed 
and run them threw the town and then we stopt 

In our Company George Lyon Marshal AValker and Thomas 
Richard got kild And Sidney Hensby Anderson Plesant D. A. 
Walker Garababel Grimstead William Dunervant & Bedford 
Sawyers was wounded 

The 2 clay we laid in a line of battel at the Same plais And 
the enemies picket a firing on us all clay Thomas Miles kild on 
picket Shot in the head And about Sun down our Bregaid and 
Hoser was ordered to charge just in frund and take the enemes 
Batterys we charged and succeeded in driven the infantry from 
behind two stone fences and got part of the Batterys But it 
was soon so dark and so much smoke that we couldent see what 
we was a doing And the enemy got to geather again and we 
had no reinforcement and we had to fall back to our old posi- 
tion Colonel I. E. Avry (Avery) was kild in the charge in our 
company non kild Andrew Thompson Franklin Wells and R. 
Y. Vaughn was wounded And Michagels Miles mis en 

The 3 morning we went back in town and laid in a line of 
battel all day in the Streets And ther was a great deel of fiting 
don that day but our Divishion was not cauld on 

38 James Sprunt Historical Publications 

The nex morning about a hour befour day we went back 
about a mile from town and staid ther all day 

The morning of the 5 we left befour day and it a raining as 
hard as it could poor and marched in the direction of Hagerds- 
town and didnt get but about 6 miles all day for the Yanks 
calvry kep a running up on ous all day 

And the 6th we left at day and about 2 oclock we got to 
Wainsboro and we past threw town and then stopt to cook 

The 7th we taken the road to Hagerdstown which was 10 
miles from Wainsboro And about 2 oclock in the eavning we 
got ther and taken up camp 

The 8th day it raind very hard and we still stade at the 
same plais the 8 we staid ther and the 10 we staid at the same 
place until about a hour by sun And then started and past 
threw town and went about a mile toward Williamsport and 
stopt and staid all nite 

The 11th we taken our position in a peas of woods and after 
nite built brest works 

The 12th we staid behind our works and no fiting don except 
sum picketing And after nite we was ordered to the wright 
And was marched down in rear of A. P. Hills old Divishion 

The 13th we staid ther untill dark and then started to re- 
treet back across the Potomac And it was about 6 miles to the 
river and it was a railing very hard And we was a moving all 
nite and the next morning about sun up we waded the Potomac 
at "Williamsport and it was waist deep And then we marched 
about 6 miles and stopt to cook rations 

The 15th we marched about 7 miles and stopt at nite clost 
to Martinsburg And the 16th we marched up to Darksvill and 
stopt again And we still staid at Darksvill untell about a hour 
by sun and marched to the Alagater mountain by 10 Oclock in 
the nite : 

The 21 we left at day break and crost the mountain And 
marched as far as Hedgersvill by 2 Oclock in the eavning which 
was 25 miles we expected to bag the Yankees at plais but when 
we got ther they was all gon ; 

The Diary of Bartlett Yancey Malone 39 

The 22th we left Hedgersvill and inarched back to Bunker- 
hill whitch was 18 miles. 

The 23 we marched and about 10 oclock we marched threw 
Winchester and taken the road to Culpeper and marched about 

5 miles and stopt for the nite : 

The 24th we marched near the Shanadoah River and found 
that the Yankees had got possession of the gap in the Blew 

And then we taken the write and come in to the Winchester 
and Stanton Road at Middeltown 5 miles from Strawsburg and 
we stopt at nite clost to Strawsburg which was 23 miles from 
wher we started at in the morning 

The 25th we marched all day toward Stanton and travild 
about 18 miles and stopt clost to Edensburg : 

The 26th we past threw Hawkenstown and 2 miles from ther 
we come to Mount Jackson and we marched as far as New 
Market and stopt fer the nite 

The 27th we left the Stanton road and taken a road that led 
to Gordensvill : we crost over the Shanadoah mountian and crost 
the Shanadoah river on Pontoon Bridges and when we stopt at 
nite we was at the foot of the Blew Ridg which was 18 miles from 

The 28th we crost over the Blew Ridg which was 11 miles 
across it 

The 29th we marched up to Maderson coathouse whitch was 

6 miles and stopt and taken up camp 

The 30 we staid at the same plais 

The 31st we left at one Oclock and marched down between 
Culpeper and Gordensvill 

A list of Co. H. 

1 Johnston I. H. 

1 Hester N. W. 

2 Rudd A. P. 

5 Malone B. Y. 

3 Bauldin W. H. 


1 Murrie W. W. 

3 Walker M. H. 

2 Biele C. 

4 Tompson A. J, 


James Sprunt Historical Publications 


1 Aldridg I. H. 


Miles J. S. 

2 Anderson Q. T. 


Moore A. 

3 Aired J. B. 


Malone H. 

4 Bivins M 


Murrey T 

5 Brinceneld A. J. 


Mckinnie Murphy B. P 

6 Brankin I 


Mosey J. W. 

7 Bos well T 


Oliver J. S. 

8 Cooper W. H. 


Olver T 

9 Covington I. E. 


Plesant A. M. 

10 Compton I. B. 


Page F. 

11 Colmond J. E. 


Roberson J. 

12 Cape T. H. 


Rudd E. 

13 Chatham C 


Richmond W. 

14 Donoho S. 


Richmond T. 

15 Dunervant I. 


Rigan N. 

16 Dnnervant W. 


Simpson F. 

17 Evins T. H. 


Swift R. 

18 Enoch R. H. 


Smith L. 

19 Fauller I 


Swift H. A. 

20 Fitch G. S. 


Stadler G. 

21 Grimsteard G. 


Subfield R. 

22 Hensley S 


Snips J. C. 

23 Hensley A 


Tucker A. 

24 Huges W. A. 


Vaughn R, Y. 

25 Hooper N 


Williams J. W. 

26 Johnston I. H. 


Williams J. R. 

27 Kersey L. 

61 Walker John 

28 King S 


Walker W. S. 

29 Lyon G. 


Walker J. H. 

30 Lyon I. H. 

64 Walker D. A. 

31 Loyd I. W. 


Walker W. T. 

32 Lewis C. 

66 Wells M. 

33 Miles M. 


Wells W. F. 

34 Miles T. C. 

68 Wren W. 

The Diary of Bartlett Yancey Maloxe 41 

Bartlett Y. Malones, Book 
This the 19th of Nov. 1863 

Bartlett. Y. Malones Book 
This is the 18th of Dec. 1863 

Bartlett. Y. Malone Seg't. of Co: H. 

6th N. C. Regiment 

This the 22cl of Dec. 1863 

And we staid in camp clost to Rappidan Station untell the 
11th of Sept. 63. And the morning of the 14th we was rousted 
up and gave orders to cook one days rations. And about sun 
up we started to meat our enemy and we met them at Sumers- 
vill foad on the Rappidan River which was about 5 miles from 
our old camps. We had not bin there long untell our enemy 
comenced throwing bumbs aiming us but as soon as our Bat- 
terys got position and fired a few shots the yanks all left the 
field. And the loth we laid in the woods all day. Xo fiting 
don but some canonacling and picketing but at dark our Reg't 
went on picket down at the foad. The 16th as soon as lite our 
men comenced firing at the Yanks and they at us and kept it 
up all day about 10 o'clock in the clay Capt. Pray of Co. D & 
Lieut Brown of Co. E and 18 men voluntierd and went up the 
river and crost in a littel Boat and Slipt up to some old houses 
and fierd at the Yanks & run about 200 of them out of their 
works and captured a horse severl good Guns Blankets another 
trick and then crost back and never got a man hirt. They kild 
4 or 5 of the Yanks & wounded 4 which they taken prisners. 
We got 4 wounded in our Reg't. dewing the day. At nite we 
was relieved by the 57th N. C. Reg't. The 17th no fiting don 
except a few picket shots evry now an then at the foad. 

Evry thing was cpriet then untell the 5th day of Oct. 63. 
And the 5th day of Oct. about tenn Oclock we was ordered to 
fall in at a moment and then marched to our post and taken 
our position in a line of battel. And we remaind so untell nite 
and then was marched back to our camps again. The Yanks 

42 James Sprunt Historical Publications 

could be seen mooving about from a hight on our side of the 
river. Our Generals surposed that they was agoing to make 
an ef ert to cross. But they did not : they was onley moving 
camps: All was quiert then untell the 8th. The 8th day we 
left our camps about dark and marched about 2 miles and stopt 
and staid all nite. The 9th day we marched up to Orange C. H. 
by 12 o'clock: then taken the road to Maderson C. H. (Madison) 
marched 6 or 7 miles and stop for nite again. 

The 10th we got to Maderson by 4 o 'clock in the eavning and 
crost Roberson River at 3 and then marched about 4 miles futher 
toward Culpeper and stopt for nite our Cavalry had a littel fite 
in the eavning at the River taken about one hundred prisners. 
The 11th we marched toward Culpeper and got in 6 miles and 
stopt and cooked 3 days rations, it was 20 miles from Maderson 
C. H. to Culpeper C. H. 

The 12th we had orders to leave at 2 o 'clock : A. M. but did 
not leave untell day we marched on then untell we was in 2 
miles of Culpeper. And then taken the left and came in the 
Warrenton road at Pickersvill And there we waded Haselrun 
and marched on to the Rappahannock River and campt clost to 
Warrenton Spring. The 13th we marched up to Warrenton 
and stopt and cooked 2 days rations : The 14th we left for 
Bristol but had to drive our enemey befour us our Cavalry was 
fiting them allday and some times the Infantry, our Divishion 
don a great deal of hard marchen had to dubbelquick nearly 
one third of our time. A. P. Hill Corps overtaken the Yanks 
at Bristol Station and had a littel fite : we did not get ther in 
time to be ingaged 

The 15th the Yanks had all fell back to Sentervill (Center- 
ville) we did not go eney further our Cavalry folerd them and 
taken severl Prisners. 

The 16th we tore up the Railroad 

The 17th we staid in camp clost to Bristol Station. 

The 18th we left at 3 o'clock in the nite for Rappahannock 
and got as far as Beattoe Station by nite. 

The 18th we marched to the Rappahannock and crost and 
went in camps between the river and Brandy Station 

The Diary of Bartlett Yancey Malone 43 

The 28th our Reg't went on picket on the Rappahannock 
The 29th we was relieved 
The 30th we had bregaid drill 
The 31st had muster inspection 

The Month of November (and December) 

The 5th day of Nov. General Lea & Governer Letcher of Va. 
revewed General Stuart Cavalry clost to oar camps 

The 6th we was paid off And paid up to the first day of 
November, 1863. 

The 7th about 2 o 'clock in the eavning orders came to fall in 
with armes in a moment that the enemy was atvancen. Then 
we was doubbelquicked down to the river (which was about 5 
miles) and crost and formed a line of battel in our works and 
the yanks was playing on ous with thir Artillery & thir skir- 
mishers a fyring into ous as we formed fyring was kept up 
then with the Skirmishers untell dark. And about dark the 
yanks charged on the Louisianna Bregaid which was clost to 
the Bridg and broke thir lines and got to the Bridge we was 
then cutoff and had to Surender: was then taken back to the 
rear and staid thir untell next morning The morning of the 8th 
we was marched back to Warrenton Junction and got on the 
cars and about day next morning we got to "Washington we 
then staid in Washington untel 3 o'clock in the eavning of the 
8th then was marched down to the Warf and put on the Sterner 
John Brooks and got to Point Lookout about one 'clock on the 
eavning of the 10th day of November 1863. The names of the 
men that was taken prisner when I was belonging to Co. H. was 
Capt. Lea Lieut. Hill W. H. Bowldin N. W. Hester W. W. 
Murrie C. Rile H. Malone I. R. Aldridge L. T. Anderson A. I. 
Brincefield I. E. Covington T. Y. Compton I. C. Chatham T. H. 
Evans G. R. Grimstead W. A. Hughs N. Hooper H. Kersey 
A. More W. D. Richmond F. Simpson R. Swift L. Sawers H. 
Roscoe A. Tucker John Walker W. S. Walker W. F. Wells 1. 
Wren S. Hensley And Segt. A. P. Rudd 

Our rations at Point Lookout was 5 crackers and a cup of 
coffee for Breakfast. And for dinner a small ration of meat 2 

44 James Sprunt Historical Publications 

crackers three Potatoes and a cup of Soup. Supper we have non. 
We pay a dollar for 8 crackers or a chew of tobacco for a 

A Yankey shot one of our men the other day wounded him 
in the head shot him for peepen threw the cracks of the planken 

The last day of November was very coal indeed and the 
Yanks had inspection of ous Rebels. One of the Yankee Sen- 
tinerls shot one of our men the other morning he was shot in 
the head : soon died. 

All the wood we get to burn at Point Lookout is one sholder 
tirn of pine brush every other day for a tent 16 men to every 

The 16th of Dec. 63 a Yankey Captain shot his Pistel among 
our men and wounded 5 of them; sence one has died — he shot 
them for crowding arond the gate. The captain's name that shot 
was Sids. Him and Captain Patison and Segt. Finegan was 
the 3 boss men of the prisoners camp. 

The 24th of Dec. 63 was a clear day but very cool. And 
Generl Butler the Yankey beast revewed the prisners camp : 

The 25th was Christmas day and it was clear and cool and I 
was boath coal and hungry all day onley got a peace of Bread 
and a cup of coffee for Breakfast and a small Slice of Meat 
and a cup of Soup and five Crackers for Dinner and Supper 
I had non : 

The 26th was clear and cool and dull for Christmas 

The 28th was cloudy and rained a littel The 28th was a 
raney day. 

The 29th was cloudy in the morning and clear in the eav- 
ning. And Jeferson Walker died in the morning he belonged 
to the 57th N. C. Regt. The 30th was a beautyfull day. 

The 31st which was the last day of 63 was a raney day. 
And maby I will never live to see the last day of 64. And 
thairfour I will try and do better than I have. For what is a 
man profited if he shal gain the whole world and loose his 
one Soul : Or what Shal one give in exchange for his Soul : 

B. Y. Malone. 



I spent the first day of January 64 at Point Lookout M. D. 
The morning was plesant but toward eavning the air changed 
and the nite was very coal, was so coal that five of our men 
froze to death befour morning. We all suffered a great deal 
with coal and hunger too of our men was so hungry to day that 
they caught a Rat and cooked him and eat it. Thir names was 
Sergt. N. "W. Hester & I. C. Covington. 

The 6th was coal and cloudy and we had 9 men to die at the 
Hospital to day. Our beds at this plaice is composed of Sea 
feathers that is we geather the small stones from the Bay and 
lye on them 

The 7th was very cool a small Snow fell after nite 

The 10 was a nice day and I saw the man to day that makes 
Coffens at this plaice for the Rebels and he sais that 12 men 
dies here every day that is averidgs 12 

The Commander at this point is named Marsto 

The 22th day of January 64 was a very pritty day And it 
was my birth day which maid me 25 years of age I spent the 
day at Point Lookout. M. D. And I feasted on Crackers and 
Coffee The two last weeks of January was beautyfull weather 

The Month of February. 64 The first day of February was 
warm but cloudy and Sum rain : 

Be content with such things as you have : For he hath said 
I will never leave the nor forsake thee So we may boldly say 
the Lord is my helper and I will not fear what man shall do 
unto me 

There fell a Small Snow the morning of the third Sergt. 
A. P. Rudd & Gidney King arived at Point Lookout from 
Washington the 4th. We changed Cook houses on the 7th 
of Feb. 

The 14th of Feb was a pritty day And the Yankes Sirched 
the Prison Camp the Rebels was all sent out side under gard. 

46 James Sprunt Historical Publications 

And then they sirched and taken evry mans Blanket that had 
more then one. And taken evry other little trick that the 
Rebels had. They found too Boats that the Rebs had maid. 

375 Officers arived at Point Lookout from Jonstan Isle the 
14th of Feb. The Yankey papers say that they are having a 
Gun maid that weighs 115,000 lbs. 21 ft. long carries a Ball that 
weighs 1000 Lbs and a shell that weighs 700 lbs. 

The 17th it was so coal that we all had to lye down and rap 
up in our Blankets to keep from freazing for we had no wood 
to make us a fire. 

The 18th it was so coal that a mans breath would freaze on 
his beard going from the Tent to the Cookhouse. O, it was so 
coal the 18th 

The 20th was pleasant and General Butler the Beast re- 
vewed the Prison Camp again for the Second time 

The 24th was a beautyfull day And too of the Rebs got 
kild the nite of the 24th attempting to get away : We was 
garded at Point Lookout by the second fifth and twelfth New- 
hampshire Regiments untell the 25th of Feb : And then the 
26th N. C. Negro Regiment was plaised gard over ous 

A Yankey preacher preached to the Rebels the 26th day of 
Feb : 1864 : His text was in first Corinthian 16 chap and 22th 
virse The words was this : If any man love not the Lord Jesus 
Christ let him be Anathema Maren athas That is let him be 
acursed when the Lord shal come 

The Month of March 

The first day of March was coal and raney : And our Com- 
pany was examined on the Oath question evry man was taken 
in the House one at a time and examioned : the questions asked 
me was this : Do you wish to take the Oath and join the U. S. 
Armey or Navey : or work at govenment work or on Brestworks 
or Do you wish to take a Parole and go to your home if it be 
insied of our lines or do you wish to go South I told him I 
wished to go South : He then asked me my name County 
State Company & Regiment The 2d two thousen Rebels left 
Point Lookout M. D. for Dixie : 

The Diary of Bartlett Yancey Malone 47 

The 3d I met with The good luck of geting sum Cloathing 
from Dixie : 600 Rebels left for Dixie again the 9th. 

Another boat load of Rebels left Point Lookout the 16th 
for Dixie. 

250 Officers arived at Point Lookout the 20th 

One of our Rebel officers maid me a present of a dollar in 
greenback (the 21st) he stuch it threw the crack of the planken 
to me without being asked 

The 20h of March a Yankey Sergt : named Young shot one 
of our Officers for jawing him : 

The 22d was very coal and stormey and a while befour 
nite it comenced snowing and snowed all nite : the snow would 
avridge 3 inches deep the next morning : 

The 25th I went to the cookhouse for a cook : 

The Month of April 

The first day of April was a very nice day. 

The 5th was a very bad day it raind hard snowed and the 
wind blew the Bay was so high that it overflowed part of the 
Camp. Some men had to leave thir tents and moove up to the 
Cook house : There was some men in camp who had been going 
about of nits and cuting tents and sliping mens Knapsacks Hats 
Boots and Sumetimes, would get Some money They cut into 
ours and got money and cloathen all amounting to about one 
hundred dollars : One nite the Negros was on gard and caught 
them they was then plaised under gard and made ware a Barrel 
Shirt (and marched) up and down the Streets with large let- 
ters on them the letters was this Tent Cutters 

The 12th the 3d Maryland Negro Regiment was plaisd on 
gard around the Prison Camp : When the Negrows first come 
on gard they wore thir knapsacks and when they was put on 
poast they puled them off and laid them down at the end of 
thir lines And Some of our men stole too of them: And when 
the Negro found it was gone he sais to the next one on post 
Efrum- Efrum : tell that other Negrow up dar that the white 
folks has stold my knapsack a redy : The other one sais they 
have stold mine too but I want caring for the knapsack all I 

48 James Sprunt Historical Publications 

hate about it is loosing Sophys Garotipe (daguerreotype?) One 
day too of them was on poast in the Streets and met up at the 
end of thir lines and comenced fooling with thir Guns what 
they cauld plaing bayonets they had thir guns cocked preseantly 
one of thir guns went of and shot the other one threw the brest 
he fell dead : the other one sais : Jim, Jim get up from dar you 
are not hurt your just trying to fool me : 

The nite of the 18th a negrow Senternel shot one of our 
men wounded him very bad threw the sholdier 

The nite of the 21st a Negro shot in a tent wounded two of 
our men 

The 27th a load of Sick Rebels left Point Lookout M. D. for 

The 29th a nother Neagro kild him Self. Shot him Self in 
the mouth with his gun : 

The Month of May 64 

The 3d day of May 6 hundred Rebels left this plaice for 

The 13th about one hundred prisnors was brought to this 
plaice they was capturd clost to Petersburg Va. 

The 15th 40 prisnors arived at this point captured between 
Richmond and Petersburg by Gen. Butlers armey 

The 17th about one thousin Prisnors arived at this plaice 
was captured at the wilderness The 17th about 1000 was 
brought in from General Leas armey 

The 18th four hundred more was brought in the camp 

The 24th a Neagro Senternal Shot a mung our men kild one 
and wounded three it is thought that one of the wounded will 

The 28 four hundred more prisnors arived here We have 
Pork and Been Soop to day for dinner Will have beef and 
Coffee to morrow I believe I will go down in Camp, but the 
sun is very hot 

The Month of June 1864 

The first day of June was clear and hot 

The Diary of Bartlett Yancey Malone 49 

The 4th We had Beef and Potato Soop for dinner the Yanks 
are not a going to give us no more Coffee and Sugar from this on 

The 8th 6 hundred Prisnors arived at this point from Gen- 
eral Leas Armey 

The 10th we have Old Bacon to day for dinner for the first 
time sience we have bin at P.t. Lookout 

The 11th 500 more prisnors arived here. 

The 18th of June which was three years from the time I vol- 
untierd was cloudy and cool. And we had Pork and Hominy 
for dinner There is some talk of moving the Prisnors from this 
point it is getting to be very sickley here 11 men died at the 
Hospital yestiday it is said that the water is not healthy 

It is reported that General Grant and General Lea are fiting 
on the South of the James River 

From the 20th of June untell the last was very dry and dusty 
And we would hear good news evry now and then from our 
Armey Our Rations Still remain Small 

July the 1st 1864 

The first day of July 1861 I left home And the first day of 
July 1862 I was in the fight of Malvin Hill And the first day 
of July 1863 I was in the fight at Gettersburg And today whitch 
is the first day of July 1864 I am at Point Lookout M. d. It is 
very plesant to day We had pical Pork for breakfast this morn- 
ing and for dinner we will have Been Soop 

The 4th day of July was a beautyfull day And the Yanks 
had thir Vesels riged off with flags they had about 34 flags on 
each Gun Boat about 12 O'clock they fierd Saluts boath from 
thir land Batry and Gun Boats. 

The 13th day of July 13 of our men died at the Hospital 
And it was repoted that General Ewel was a fiting at Washing- 
ton And that our Cavalry was in 4 miles of this plaice the 
Yanks was hurried up sent in all Detailes at 2 O'clock in the 
eavning and run thir Artilry out in frunt of the Block house 
and plaised it in position The 14th 500 Rebels taken the Oath 
and went outside 

The last day of July was the Sabath 

50 James Sprunt Historical Publications 

No man is bornd without folts 

Too much of one thing is good for nothin 

Cut your Coat accorden to your cloth 

All are not Sants who go to Church 

All are not theavs that dogs bark at 

Keep your mouth shut and your eyes open 

A clean glove often hids a dirty hand 

Seay what is well and do what is better 

He that will steal a pin will steal a better thing 

Fear no man and do justice to all men 

Evry Cook praises his own stew 

Before thou marry be sure of a house wherein to tarry 

Evry bodys business is no body's business 

Do what you ought come what may 

Love cover meney folts. 

The race is not always to the swift nor the battel to the strong 

You cannot catch old birds with chaff. 

A bad workman quarrels with his tools 

B. Y. Malone 

B. Y. Malone Owes cts 
Q. T. Anderson Paid 
A. P. Rudd Paid 

T. Y. Compton Paid 
Sergt W. T. Johnson 
Sergt. Laffoan 
Samuel Mothers head 
George Anthony 

A Puzzel 
There is a thing in divers of countrys 
It neither is land nor Sea 
It in all sorts of timber 
And not in eny tree 
It is neither in Italy 
But in Rome 

It appears twist in evry moment 
And not once in twenty years 

The Diary op Bartlett Yancey M alone 51 

Dew B. Y. Malone 

Thomas Murray 


John Forast 


W. A. Hughs 


E. W. Rudd 


N. W. Hester Paid 


W. R. Richmond Paid 


T. Y. Compton Paid 


W. F. Wells Paid 


A. I. Brincfield Paid 


L. Kersey Paid 


B. Y. Malone Owes 

Q. T. Anderson Paid 


A. P. Rudd Paid 


Bartlett Y. Malone, Soldier of Co. H. 6th N. C. Regiment. 

This April the 16th 64 
Point Lookout, M. D. 

O, that mine eyes might closed be 
To what becomes me not to see 
That deafness might possess mine ear 
To what concerns me not to hear. 

Mr. Demill & Co., 

No. 186 Front Street 
New York City, 

N. Y. 
B. Y. Malones Chirography. 

The Month of August 1864 

The first day of August was clear and very hot And 700 
Rebels left here for Some other new Prison to day A mung them 
was my Brother A. A. 

The 2d day of August I wrote home 

The 6th of the month there rose a thunder cloud early in the 

52 James Sprunt Historical Publications 

morning and raind very hard : there was a whirlwind just out sid 
of the Prison on the point it blew the Comasary house and Shop 
down and seven other Buildings it distroyed a good deal wounded 
four senternels broak ones leg There was but littel wind inside 
of the Prison 

The knight of the 7th A Neagro Senternel Shot one of our 
men and kild him for no cause attall 

The 28th of August a Senternel shot a nother one of our men 
wounded him very badly it is thought that he will die 

The two last days of August cool and plesant 

The Month of September 

The firs days of September was plesant the Knights was cool 
but the days was plesant 

The 2d day this is And our Rations gets no better we get 
half a loaf of Bread a day a smal slice of Pork or Beef or Sault 
Beef for Breakfast for Dinner a cup of Been Soup and Supper 
we get non Mr. A. Morgan of South Carolina has a vacon Cook 
House which he has bin teaching School in evry Sience last 
Spring he is a Christian man he preaches evry Sunday and has 
prayers evry morning befour School we have a Preacher to evry 
Division in the Camp Mr. Carrol preaches to our Divi which 
is the 8th This is the 5th day of the month and we are going to 
have Been Soup with onions in it to day for dinner we will have 
Potatoes and Onions boath to morrow the Dr had them sent in 
here for rebs to se if they would not stop Scirvy My health is 
very good to day which is the 6th of Sept. 64. But I cannot tell 
how long it will remain so. for it a railing and very coal to day 
Aand I have not got eney Shoes 

This is the 7th and a pritty day it is and I am laying flat on 
my back on T. Y. Comptons Bead in Co. G 8th Division Point 
Lookout M. D. 

The 8th was a beautyfull day And I had my Bunk Seting 
out by the Side of the Cook house and about dark I wanted to 
bring it in as I had bin doing but the Neagro Sentinel would not 
let me cross his line So I went down threw the house and asked 
a nother one if I could cross his line and get my Bunk and he 

The Diaky of Bartlett Yancey Malone 53 

Said yes so I cross and got my Bunk and the first Neagro did 
not see me. And when he found that the Bunk was gone he come 
to the house door and wanted to know where that man was that 
taken that Bunk And if he dident bring it back that he would 
come in there and Shoot him So then I had to go to the dor and 
he told me to bring that Bead back So I taken it back and could 
not get it any more untell I went and got the Lieut, of the 
Comisery to get it for me So you See this is the way we was 
treated by the Neagrows. B. Y. M. 

The 15th of Sept was a beautyfull day And a general Stir 
among the Rebs the Dr. was getting up a load of Convalesant men 
to Send to Dixie. You could See men going to the Hospital to be 
examiond Some on Cruches and Some was not able to walk and 
would be Swinging a round others necks draging a long 

They got a load of five hundred and Sent them out of the 
Prison we Surpose they will leave the 15th for Dixie The 19th 
received a Box of tobacco from my Father James B. Malone who 
resides in Caswell County North Carolina The 21st all Prisnors 
belonging to the Confederate Staits Navy was Parold at this 

This Sunday the 25th of September and it is very coal 
I wrote home to day 

The 26th 800 Prisnors arived at this point belonging to 
Erleys (Early) Comand captured clost to "Winchester The 
knight of 26th Some one stold 5.45 in greenback from me 

The 27th 500 more Prisnors arived here from the same 

The 28th the Yanks brought in three Negrows that they 
caught helping a Lady across the Potomac Some where be- 
tween here and Washington they brought them here and put 
them in Prison because they would not take the oath 

The 30th I wrote to Bro. James 

October 1864 

The first day of October was cold and raney day The 3d 
800 Prisnors arived here from Early's command captured at 
Fishers Hill Va. among them was James M Wells of Co H 6th 
N. C. Re<?t 

54 James Sprunt Historical Publications 

The 4th 100 more Prisnors com in Ther is about 10,000 Pris- 
nors here at this time last Summer ther was 15,000 here but 
Some was sent to Elmira N. Y. 

The 7th was fasting and prayer day with ous for the reliece 
of all Prisnors 

Today is the 8th and is very cold 

The 13th was very cool And in the eavning 200 Rebs taken 
the Oath 

The 15th I Sold the last of my Tobacco the Box brought 
me fifty five dollars and 70 cts 

To day is the 16th And a beautyfull Sabath it is : the Boys 
in camp are all in a line wating to be inspected by Major A. G. 
Brady Provost Marshall 

To day is the 18th and Secretary Stanton has just past 
threw the Camp. 

The 21st 200 Rebels arived here from the Valey captured 
Severl days ago. 

The 24th they parold Severl Sick men Said to be 2000 to 
leave in a few days. 

The 25th Some more prisnors come in from the Valey Said 
that 900 was capturd when they was 

The 29th About 80 Rebs arived here they was capturd clost 
Petersburg Old Butler kept them at work on a Pond 8 days 
under the fire of our guns. 

The 31st 600 more Rebs arived here capturd clost to Peters- 

November 1864 

The first of November was pritty weather. 

The 7th whitch was just twelve months from the time I was 
captured was a raney day. 

The 8th was election day for president Abraham Lincoln & 
George B. McClellan was candidates 

The 9th was warm and cloudy and our Rations ar not a 
good as they was a year ago : And I See no chance for march- 
ing Soon. 

B. Y. Malone. 

The Diary of Bartlett Yancey Malone 55 

The 18th of Nov. was a cold raney clay Our men are not 
dying here like they have bin they onley avridge about too a 
day now The last of Nov. was pritty warm weather 

December 1864 

The first day of Dec was warm as Spring And the Yanks 
comenced building some littel plank houses covered with clouth 
for the Kebs to stay in 

The 3d I paid 10 cets to go into a Concert that the Rebs had 
got up in camp it was a very good thing they performed in a 
bacon Cook-house. 

The 4th which was the Sabath I went to meating at the 
School house Mr. Morgan lectured on the Parable of the Sower 
& in the eavning I was at the Same plaise and Mr. Carol preached 
a good Surmond from the later clause of the 2 virse 7 chapter 
of Amos : Theas was the words : By whom Shall Jacob arise : 
for he is small. After preaching was over the Sunday School 
classes met and thir teachers taken up the balance of the day in 
asking them questions and explaning the Scriptures to them 
We have white gard now for patroles in camp of knights the 
Neagros got so mean that the General would not alow them in 
Side of the Prison they got so when they would catch any of 
the men out Side of thir tents after taps they would make them 
doubble quick or jump on thir backs and ride them and some 
times they would make them get down on this knees and prey to 
God that they might have thir freadom and that his Soul might 
be sent to hell 

To day is the 15th and it is cold looks very mutch like Snow 
we have had very coald weather for the last week we get Split 
Peas now to make Soups. Some day we get Bacon and some 
days Picle Pork and fresh Beef once a week 

My health is very good at this time I weigh 155 lbs We 
have comenced drawing wood we get two smawl shoulder turns a 
day to a Company Each Company has 100 men 

The 21st was a very cold raney day Brigadeer General Barnes 
in comand of the Point A. G. Brady is Provost Marchall Capt 
Barnes assistant Prov. 

56 James Sprunt Historical Publications 

The 24th was a beautyfull day I chopt wood in the morning 
at the cookhouse in the eavning I bought 3 apples and set in the 
Sun Shine by the Side of Sergt. A. P. Rudd tent & eat them. 
And then my Self Q. T. Anderson W. W. Murrie & W. F. Wells 
went up to the School house to a Debate but did not get in And 
then we went back to the Tent and found T. Y. Compton with a 
newspaper that he had bought and we spent the remainder of 
the day in reading it. 

The 25th was Christmas day And a beautyfull one it was. 
But I had nothing Strong to drink and but little to eat I had 
Some loaf Bread fryed Meat & Corn Coffee for breakfast and 
for dinner I had a cup of Split Pea Soup. 

In the eavning I went to the School house to meating Mr. 
Carrol preached his text was in Zachariah 15th chapt 7 virse 
After preaching I went to the Comisery and found that Mr. 
Walas had bet Mr. Barby five dollars that there was a man in 
Camp that could eat 5 lbs of Bacon and 3 Loafs of Bread each 
loaf weighing 2 lbs at one meal. When I left he had onley about 
14 of a pound of Bacon and a half of a loaf of bread they Said 
he eat it all bef our he quit. This man belonged to the 11th Ala : 

The 26th was a raney day 

.The 27 & 28 was cloudy 

The 29th was cold and cloudy & Snowed a little in the Eav- 

The 30th was cold 

The 31st was very cold and Snowed a littel evry now & then 
threw the day. 



The Month of January 

The first day of January was very cold & the grown was 
coverd with Snow : 

The 2d was cold and cloudy 

The 3d it snowed a littel in the eavning 

The 4th was very cold and the Snow was 3 inches deep 

The 5th was warm and cloudy 

The 6th my Self A. R. Moore James R. Aldridg Nathaniel 
Hooper & T. Y. Compton built us a hous out of cracker Boxes 
the house coust us $8.80 cts we bought a stove from the Sutlar 
the Stove coust us $8.00 the Stove and house totel $16.80. 

The 15th was a beautyful Sabath & I went to meating & 
Mr. Newman preached from Psalms 8 ch. 4th Virse 

The 17th it Snowed in the morning And about one thousen 
old men & littel Boys left for Dixie. 

The 21st it rained and Sleated all day & a large Dixie mail 
came in one hudred & Sixty dollars worth of Due Letters : 

The 22d was cold and cloudy & it was my birthday whitch 
made me 26 years old. And about 600 prysnors come in to day 
captured at Foat Fisher The men that came in Say that Gen- 
eral Whiten & Colonel Lamb was captured and also wounded 
After knight a Neagrow Sentnal Shot one of our men and 
kild him. 

The 23d a large Dixie mail come in I got 2 letters from home 
& one from Bro. Jim. 

The 28th was clear but the coldest day we have had this 
winter there was a man froze to death in the 5th Division after 

The 29th was the Sabath I went to meating with Mr. Athy 

The 30th & 31st was pritty warm days. 

58 James Sprunt Historical Publications 

February 1865 

The first of Feb. was warm And 500 Rebels come in cap- 
tured clost Atlanta Ga. 

The 4th all men belonging to Kentuckey Missouri Louisina 
Tennasee & Arkansas was cauld to go to Dixie. 

They Still cauld on the 5 & 6th. 

The 17th all prisnors captured at Gettersburg was cauld out. 

The 18th the Gettersburg Prisnors left for Dixie. 

The 21st all Prisnor capturd at Rappahanoc Station was 
cauld we all went out and Signed the Parole and was put in 
the Parole Camp and staid there most all the 24th then we was 
put on the Steamer George Leary we got to Fortress Monroe 
about dark And then run as far as Hampton Roads and there 
we staid all night Started next morning at light which was 
the 25 got to Acorns Landing about 10 Oclock which was about 
12 miles from Richmond on the James River we then marched 
from there to Camp Lea we got to Camp Lea about dark "We 
then Staid at Camp Lea untell the 27 when we wen over to 
Camp "Winder. 

March 1865 

The 2 day of March I got my Furlough the 3 they paid me 
12 months wages which was 237.00. 

"Went down to Richmond got on the cars about 6 O'clock in 
the Eavning 

The 4th I got to Barksdale Depot about 10 in the morning, 
got off at Barksdale marched to the Road house by dark Eat 
Supper with Mr. Hanrick marched on 2 miles further and Staid 
all night with Mr. Moss. Left early next morning which was the 
5th eat Breakfast at Mr. Maxtons got home about 1 O'clock in 
the Eavning. B. Y. Malone. 

B. Y. Malone was borned in the year of our Lord 1838 rased 
and graduated in the Corn field & Tobacco And inlisted in the 
war June the 18th 1861 And was a member of the Caswell Boys 
which was comanded by Capt Mitchel And 25 was attatched 
to the 6th N. C. Regt. which was comd by Coin Fisher who got 
kiled at the first Manassas fight which was fought Julv the 21st 

The Diary of Baetlett Yancey Malone 59 

1861. They was comanded by "W. D. Pender untell the Seven 
Pine fight which was fought the 30th day of May 62 Col. Pender 
then was promoted to Brigadier General Then Capt. I. E. 
Avry of Co. E. was promoted to Lieut Colonel who comanded 
untell the Battel of Gettysburg where he was kild which fought 
the 2d day of July 1865. 

Major R. F. Webb was then promoted to Col. who comanded 
untell we was done at the Rapahanock Bridg the 7th of Nov. 
1863. Our Regt when was captured belonged to General Hooks 
Brigard Earlys Division Ewels Corps Leas Arrriey. 

B. Y. Malone. 




A great obstacle to a successful and peaceful government in 
North Carolina prior to the year 1748 was the lack of a medium 
in England through which the representatives of the people in 
the General Assembly could make known to the Crown and to 
the home authorities the needs, circumstances and desires of 
their constituents. This hindrance could be removed only by 
the appointment of an agent to represent and transact the busi- 
ness of the province at the various government boards in Eng- 
land. Colonel Saunders sums up the duties and responsibilities 
of such an agent admirably when he remarks : 

To appreciate the importance of the agent's position it must 
be remembered that the Crown had the right to pass upon all the 
acts of the Legislature, and to repeal or "disallow" such as might 
for any reason seem inexpedient. The proceedings in the case 
were, in brief, as follows, viz : The act was, in the first instance, 
sent by the Governor to the Secretary of State for America, by ■ 
whom it was laid before the Lords of the Board of Trade and by 
them referred to the Reporting Counsel to the Board, to consider 
and report whether or not the King ought to be advised to assent 
to it. In practice, the fate of the act depended very much upon 
the report of the Counsel, who, in turn, was very much guided 
by the impressions he received as to the circumstances under 
which the Provincial Assembly passed the act, the evils it was 
intended to remedy, and the manner in which it was intended to 
operate. All these things the agent, from his knowledge of 
affairs in the Province, would be able to explain to the Counsel, 
and in many ways not merely prevent unfavorable misapprehen- 
sions on the part of the Counsel, but to lead his opinion to a 
report favorable to the wishes of the Province. With the report 
of their Counsel, the act came back to the Board of Trade where 
it was considered, after notifying the agent to attend in all mat- 
ters of consequence. With the report of the Board of Trade the 
act then went to the Lords of the Privy Council, upon whose 
final report its fate depended. These great officers also sought 
their information in the premises not from private individuals, 
but from these Provincial Agents, and without some person being 

64 James Sprunt Historical Publications 

in England in that capacity in behalf of a Province, its affairs 
"slept." Memorials, addresses, petitions and such like papers 
passed through his hands. Every opening for the encouragement 
of the trade of the Province, it was his business to improve it, 
and equally so to endeavor to obviate any scheme that might 
hurt it, and hence it was his duty to keep posted as to the inten- 
tions of Government and of Parliament, all of which involved 
much labor of various kinds and great responsibility. In a word, 
the agent was to the colony what the ambassador was to a foreign 
country. Now, from the very nature of the duties of the agent, 
it is apparent that he was intended to be the representative not 
of the Governor, but of the opposition, so that the authorities 
"at home" in England might get both sides of the questions 
presented to them. Otherwise, the representations made by the 
Governor would have decided matters. 1 

The first proposal that an agent should be appointed to repre- 
sent North Carolina in England was made by Governor Burring- 
ton in a speech to the Assembly in April, 1731. He declared that 
it was "absolutely necessary" to select an agent and arrange a 
regular salary for carrying on the public affairs of the province 
in England. 2 Shortly afterwards he repeated his recommenda- 
tion. 3 Burrington's efforts, however, came to naught and seven- 
teen years elapsed before the step was finally taken. 

In October, 1748, the General Assembly passed a law called 
"An Act to appoint an Agent to solicit the Affairs of this Pro- 
vince at the several Boards in England." James Abercromby, of 
London, was chosen agent for a term of two years — from March 
25, 1749, to March 25, 1751. He had already acted in this capa- 
city, for the act provides that "the said James Abercromby, Esq., 
in consideration of his trouble, charges and expenses, in trans- 
acting the public business of this Province, as agent, to this time, 
and until the twenty-fifth day of March, next ensuing, be and is 
hereby allowed the sum of one hundred pounds, sterling. ' ' This, 
however, was the first time that an agent was officially appointed 
to act during a fixed term. Abercromby was granted a salary of 
50£, sterling, annually. A committee, whose duty it was to cor- 
respond with and direct and advise the agent, was also chosen. 

1 Col. Rec, VI, vii-ix. 

2 Col. Rec, III, 258. 

3 Col. Rec, III, 280. 

The Provincial Agents of North Carolina 65 

The committee of correspondence, as it was called, was composed 
of Eobert Halton and Eleazer Allen, of the Council, and Samuel 
Swann, John Starkey and John Swann, of the House of Com- 
mons. Whenever so ordered the committee should lay before the 
Governor, Council and Assembly the correspondence which had 
passed between it and the agent. 4 The mere fact that such able 
and influential men served on the committee of correspondence 
proves the great importance and responsibility of the office of 

It having been "found very beneficial to the Province that a 
proper person should, by public authority, solicit and represent 
the affairs" of the colony in England, and Abercromby's term of 
office having expired, the Assembly of 1751 re-enacted the agency 
law of 1848 for a period of three years. Abercromby was retained 
as agent and James Hasell and John Dawson, of the Council, 
were selected to fill the vacancies in the committee of correspond- 
ence occasioned by the deaths of Halton and Allen. The yearly 
salary of 50£ had been found inadequate and was increased to 
100£. The sum of 111£ 9s. and 2d. was allowed Abercromby as 
compensation for extraordinary expenses incurred during his 
first term. 5 

In 1754 the agency act was extended again for a period of 
three years. 6 Upon the termination of Abercromby's third term 
in 1757, the lower house was disinclined to appropriate any 
money for public services, for taxes were already very burden- 
some. Consequently no agent was appointed. 7 

It would be monotonous to enumerate all of Abercromby's 
activities as agent. He performed several important services. 
When McCulloch, Morris, Corbin, Dobbs and others attacked 
Governor Johnston in 1749 and sought to compass his removal 
from the governorship, Abercromby successfully defended the 
Governor by cleverly delaying the proceedings before the Board 
of Trade. 8 He produced strong arguments favorable to an im- 

4 State Rec, XXIII, 303-304. 

5 State Rec, XXIII, 362-363. 

6 State Rec, XXIII, 399; State Rec, XXV, 266. 

7 Col. Rec, V, 788-789, 928, 988. 

8 Col. Rec, IV, 934-939, 942; Ashe, Hist, of N. C, 272. 

66 James Sprunt Historical Publications 

portant quit rent law passed by the Assembly, which Lamb, the 
Reporting Counsel to the Board of Trade, had disapproved. 
Altogether, he discharged the functions of his office in a most 
acceptable and efficient manner. In a letter to the Board of 
Trade, dated April 13, 1758, he informed the board that he 
was no longer agent for the colony and advised it to instruct 
the Governor to recommend to the Assembly the passage of an 
act to call in as much of the old paper currency as possible, to 
be paid off by the share of North Carolina in the grants which 
Parliament had made to reimburse the colonies for their appro- 
priations and aid in the war then being carried on against 
France and her Indian allies. 10 The suggestion contained much 
wisdom, because the provincial currency was greatly depre- 
ciated in value. 

The Parliamentary grants were two in number. The first 
was an appropriation of 200,000£, which was allotted to all of 
the colonies for distribution. The second amounted to 50,000£, 
which was to be distributed among the two Carolinas and Vir- 
ginia. In November, 1758, the Assembly convened and entered 
into a heated dispute with Governor Dobbs concerning the right 
to dispose of the share of the colony in the Crown's bounties. 
The house also contended that it had the right to name an agent 
and the committee of correspondence. The Assembly and the 
Governor were in utter disagreement. 11 

A bill was introduced at this session for the location of the 
seat of government at Tower Hill, near Stringer's Ferry, on the 
Neuse — a site which Dobbs had chosen — and for the erection of 
a state house, a secretary's office and a residence for the Gover- 
nor should he decide to reside there. Another bill which was 
introduced provided for the enlistment of three hundred soldiers 
to serve against the French, the bringing over in specie of the 
colony's share of the royal grants and putting the same into the 
custody of the provincial treasurers, and for the appointment of 
an agent. A committee of correspondence, composed entirely of 

8 Col. Rec, V, 448-456. 

10 Col. Rec, V, 928-929. 

u Col. Rec, VI, x, 1-3 ; Ashe, Hist, of N. C, 294. 

The Provincial Agents of North Carolina 67 

members from the lower house, was named in the bill and Aber- 
cromby was to be the agent. 12 

The Governor regarded the first bill as a scheme to persuade 
him to give his assent to the second, and said that the lower 
house would even have paid his house rent and the expenses 
which he incurred in attending the Congress at Philadelphia in 
order to obtain his approval of it. Dobbs also charged several 
of the leaders of the house and the two treasurers with having 
arranged a plan whereby they would get ' ' our proportion of the 
sum which his Majesty had graciously recommended to Parlia- 
ment to reimburse the southern colonies, which they expected 
would be at least 15,000£, into their custody under the direction 
of the Assembly, which they ruled, and so apply it as they 
thought proper, without his Majesty or the Governor or the 
Council's interfering in it." Dobbs objected to the bill on 
the ground that it was an encroachment upon the rights of the 
Governor and Council, and not in conformity to the powers of 
the Assembly. He thought it improper and illegal to tack on 
the aid bill the sections dealing with the appointment of an 
agent and with the royal grants. He desired, however, to have 
the bill locating the capitol at Tower Hill enacted. The mem- 
bers of the Assembly declared that the bill which Dobbs wished 
to pass should not pass unless the other bill went "hand and 
glove" with it, 13 

Being determined to defeat the one and to pass the other, 
Dobbs resorted to a very clever stratagem. He instructed his 
followers in the Council not to oppose the aid bill, except in 
some insignificant matters of amendment until it had passed the 
third reading in the house and had been sent to the upper house 
for ratification. When both bills had passed the third reading 
in the house, he made it clear to the members of the Council that 
he desired the aid bill defeated by saying that he ' ' wanted their 
advice whether to pass a bill of an extraordinary nature which 
affected his Majesty's prerogative and the rights of the Gover- 
nor and Council," and which was contrary to the instructions 

Col. Rec, V, 1087; Col. Rec, VI, 1-3. 
Col. Rec, VI, 1-3. 

68 James Sprunt Historical Publications 

which he had received from the authorities in England. The 
strategy succeeded. The bill locating the capitol at Tower Hill 
was passed, but the Council, under Dobbs' influence, deferred 
action on the aid bill for several days, by which time the Gover- 
nor was to prorogue the Assembly. Governor Dobbs described 
the result in this manner: 

Upon this disappointment the lower house were all in a 
flame, the managers being greatly disappointed, and represented 
to me that there must be a dissolution unless the upper house 
would resume the bill, desiring I would speak to the Council to 
revoke their resolution and pass the bill. 

The Governor, of course, declined to interfere. He agreed 
to join with the house in recommending that the money already 
due Abercromby for his services as agent be paid out of the 
Parliamentary grants. 14 Thereupon the lower house appointed 
James Abercromby its own agent for two years with an annual 
salary of 150£, to be paid out of the colony's portion of the 
50,000£ bounty. Sam Swann, Thomas Barker, John Starkey, 
George Moore and John Ashe, all members of the house, were 
appointed committee of correspondence. The house adopted an 
address congratulating the Crown upon the victories won from 
the French and praying that a part of the sum allotted North 
Carolina should be used in establishing free schools in each 
county. Then Dobbs prorogued the Assembly. 15 

At its next sitting the council chose Samuel Smith, of Lon- 
don, Dobbs' private attorney, as agent. 16 The province now 
had two agents, neither of whom legally occupied the office. An 
agent appointed by one house only lacked authority and was 
unable to represent the colony as it ought to have been repre- 

In the spring of 1759, urgent calls for troops were made upon 
Governor Dobbs, for the army in the North stood in dire need 
of re-enforcements. Dobbs called the Assembly to meet at New- 
bern on the 8th of May. 17 The house almost immediately passed 

"Col. Rec, VI, 2-3; Ashe, Hist, of N. C, 295. 

15 Col. Rec, VI, 2-3, 9, 76; Ashe, Hist, of N. C, 295. 

16 Col. Rec, VI, 77. 
"Ashe, Hist, of N. C, 295. 

The Provincial Agents of North Carolina 69 

an aid bill similar to the one defeated by Dobbs at the pre- 
ceding session. The forces of the province were to be increased 
to three hundred men, exclusive of officers. An aid of 6,000£ 
was to be granted for enlisting and maintaining this force, and 
Abercrornby was to be appointed agent. He was to present 
documents to the English government showing the expense North 
Carolina had been at in affording assistance against the enemy. 
Upon being properly bonded, Abercrortiby was to receive from 
the English authorities the portion of the 50,000£ grant assigned 
to the province and transmit the same to the provincial treasurers 
after deducting the sum due him for previous services and so 
much as might be necessary to defray the cost of insurance and 
shipment to the treasurers of the colony. The committee of cor- 
respondence was to be composed entirely of members of the 
lower house. 18 The council wished to amend the bill by elimi- 
nating the sections which dealt with the appointment of an 
agent. The house refusing to agree to the amendment, the coun- 
cil declined to pass the bill and the session was adjourned with- 
out any measures having been passed. 19 

The Board of Trade disagreed with Dobbs in most of the 
positions which he took in the controversy with the house. Al- 
though it could not do otherwise than approve of his having de- 
feated the bill, the Board informed Dobbs that the aid bill did 
not lessen the Crown's prerogative to the extent he feared. The 
Board affirmed the contentions of the lower house that the As- 
sembly had the right to appropriate the funds granted the pro- 
vince by Parliament and that it had the inherent right to name 
the agent. Though it saw no reason for disapproving the bill 
in its abstract principles, the Board ruled that the appointment 
of an agent, being separate from the aid bill, ought to have been 
provided for in a separate act and that the committee of cor- 
respondence should have been composed of members of both 
houses. 20 

A new Assembly was called to meet in April, 1760. The chief 
purpose for calling this meeting was to have an aid bill passed 

18 Col. Rec, VI, 37-38, 10210c 

19 Ashe, Hist, of N. C, 295. 

20 Col. Rec, VII, 54-55. 

70 James Sprunt Historical Publications 

so that the province might afford assistance in the military cam- 
paigns then being planned. In his speech to the Assembly the 
governor recommended the election of an agent to receive and 
remit the share of the colony in the grants of the Crown. 21 
Owing to the failure of the governor and the Assembly to agree 
upon a suitable law establishing courts, there had been no courts 
in the province for several months and much disorder had arisen 
in Edgecombe, Halifax and Granville Counties. Being anxious 
to pass a law establishing and regulating courts, the Assembly 
determined not to pass an aid bill until an act creating superior 
courts should be passed. Dobbs was equally resolved not to let 
the house have its way. 22 

The quarrel waxed warmer. On May 23, the house went into 
a committee of the whole and resolved that if any member should 
make known to any person the remarks of any member in any 
debate or proceeding in the house, he should be expelled from 
his seat as being unworthy of it. In this secret session, the Assem- 
bly adopted twenty resolutions setting forth the arbitrary con- 
duct of the governor. An address to the Crown was drawn up 
complaining of abuses perpetrated by the governor, describing 
the unsatisfactory conditions prevalent in the province and 
declaring that Dobbs' influence over the council had prevented 
the colony from having an agent in England. The address as- 
serted that the real cause for the council's rejection of the aid 
bill of the last session and of the governor's displeasure with it 
was that it did not name as agent Dobbs' private attorney, Mr. 
Smith. 23 

Being brought to reason by the drastic action of the As- 
sembly, Dobbs promised to assent to a court law which should 
not be in force for more than two years unless ratified by the 
Crown provided the Assembly passed an aid bill. The court bill 
received the assent of the governor, but being dissatisfied with 
some of the provisions of the aid bill and deeming it no longer 
necessary, Dobbs refused to give his assent to it. 24 It seems that 

21 Col. Rec, VI, 347. 

22 Col. Rec, VI, 408-409; Aslie, Hist, of N. C, 287-298. 

23 Col. Rec, VI, 409-415. 
"Ashe, Hist, of N. C, 298-299. 

The Provincial Agents of North Carolina 71 

Bobert Jones, a lawyer, was selected as agent in the defeated aid 
bill. 25 

A.t the same time the council refused to approve a hill naming 
Abercromby agent. 26 Thereupon the Assembly chose Anthony 
Bacon, a merchant of London. 27 The council declined to sanc- 
tion this selection and asked that five of its members be put upon 
the committee of correspondence. It was also requested that all 
business to be transacted with the agent must be approved by 
three members of the committee from each house. Upon the 
refusal of the house to amend the bill as proposed, the council 
rejected it. 2S 

The house appointed Bacon as its agent for a term of two 
years and resolved "that Samuel Swann, John Starkey, George 
Moore and John Ashe, or any three of them" constitute the 
committee of correspondence. 29 

Dobbs postponed the meeting of the Assembly until Septem- 
ber. The beginning of hostilities between the Cherokees and the 
frontiersmen rendered it imperative to call the meeting in mid- 
summer. In this emergency measures were taken for the de- 
fense of the colony. 30 The council tabled a bill providing for 
the appointment of an agent. 31 

At the next session of the Assembly, which was held in No- 
vember, 1760, the house addressed the governor saying : 

We flatter ourselves, had we been so fortunate as to have had 
the concurrence of the other branches of the legislature in pass- 
ing a law (more than once attempted) for appointing an agent 
in London, who might have produced proper documents of our 
expenses and represented our duty and zeal for his Majesty's 
service (considering our circumstances), in their true light to 
his Majesty's ministers, we should have been in expectation of 
partaking of his Majesty's royal grace and favour out of the 
first 200,000£ granted by Parliament to the colonies, and of 

25 Col. Rec, VI, 297. 

28 Col. Rec, VI, 423, 424. 

27 Col. Rec, VI, 429. 

28 Col. Rec, VI, 423-424. 

29 Col. Rec, VI, 436. 

30 Ashe, Hist, of N. C, 301. 

31 Col. Rec, VI, 444. 

72 James Sprunt Historical Publications 

which Virginia has received 20,546£ as her proportion exclusive 
of 32,268£ and 19s. out of the 50,000£ grant ; whereas the whole 
coming to this Province is not more than 7,789£ Is. Id. sterling ; 
and even out of which, there is a demand of 1,000£, as your 
Excellency informs us. that was advanced by Lord Loudoun, and 
Mr. Shirley, to pay the forces at New York notwithstanding a 
sufficient fund raised by this Province ; and therefore we can- 
not help being of opinion that the small part of his Majesty's 
royal bounty coming to this Colony is apparently owing to the 
want of an agent to represent our dutiful behaviour to his 
Majesty and his ministers. 32 

The fact that North Carolina did not have an agent in Eng- 
land was due to Dobbs' defeat of the various aid bills whereby 
an agent would have been appointed. North Carolina had ex- 
pended about 66, OOOi in assisting in waging the war. More than 
half of this amount had been spent for services outside the pro- 
vince and the colony had justly expected to receive a consider- 
able amount of the royal grants. Dobbs' persistent refusal to 
concur in the appointment of an agent resulted in great financial 
loss to the colony. 33 

Following the address of the house to the governor, both 
houses passed an act which granted an aid for operations against 
the enemy and appointed Bacon agent to lay before the English 
authorities documents showing the expense the colony had in- 
curred in the war. 34 This act was disapproved of by the gover- 
nor. He adjourned the Assembly for two days that it might 
reconsider and expunge the "foreign" clauses and name an 
agent who would not be objectionable to him. This advice was 
accompanied by a threat to dissolve the Assembly. 35 

In a committee of the whole, the house resolved that the 
naming of an agent was its inherent right and that the appoint- 
ment of an agent at that time, even if inserted in an aid bill, 
was not inconsistent with the services of the Crown. An address 
was presented to Dobbs in which these resolutions were reiter- 

32 Col. Rec, VI, 477. 

33 Col. Rec, VI, ix-x. 

34 Col. Rec, VI, 463. 

35 Col. Rec, VI, 515. 

The Provincial Agents of North Carolina 73 

ated and in which the house stated that its members regretted 
that the governor's private resentment against whomever it 
named as agent should frustrate all efforts to unite with Vir- 
ginia and South Carolina in an attack upon the Cherokees. The 
house refused to strike Bacon's name out of the bill. 36 The bill 
was re-introduced and passed the third reading in each house, 
but did not become law because Dobbs dissolved the Assembly 
before it was presented for his approval. 37 The dangers of an 
Indian invasion had ceased by this time. 3S 

The new Assembly convened at Wilmington in March, 1761, 
and upbraided the governor for his defeat of the aid bill and for 
not calling the Assembly to meet at a more convenient place. 39 
Both sides, however, were now willing to yield something in 
order to accomplish their respective ends. 

A bill appropriating 20,000£, proclamation money, for the 
enlistment and support of five hundred soldiers and naming 
Cuchet Jouvencal, of Westminister, England, agent was passed. 
John Swann, Lewis deRossett, and Maurice Moore, of the coun- 
cil, and Samuel Swann, John Ashe, John Starkey, Cornelius 
Harnett and Francis Corbin, of the house, were appointed to 
constitute the committee of correspondence. 40 The house re- 
frained from selecting Bacon merely to obtain the assent of the 
governor. 41 The council advised Dobbs to assent to the act and 
having done so, the governor dissolved the Assembly. 42 

Meanwhile the Board of Trade informed Dobbs that he had 
no right to interfere in the nomination of an agent by the As- 
sembly and that although naming an agent in the aid bill which 
he had rejected at the last session was irregular, the necessity 
of the times rendered the irregularity too trivial a reason for 
rejecting a law which would have been beneficial to the Crown 
and to the province. 43 

Sir Matthew Lamb, Reporting Counsel to the Board, criticised 

36 Col. Rec, VI, 515-517. 

37 Col. Rec, VI, 518-519. 

38 Ashe, Hist, of N. C, 301. 
38 Ashe, Hist, of N. C, 302. 
40 State Rec, XXIII, 539-541. 
a Col. Rec, VI, 692. 

42 Col. Rec, VI, 633-634, 694. 
"Col. Rec, VI, 539. 

74 James Sprunt Historical Publications 

the tacking on to the aid bill of the clauses nominating Jouvencal 
agent as being irregular. 44 Thereupon the Board instructed 
Dobbs to recommend the appointment of an agent in a separate 
bill when Jouvencal's term should expire. 45 

At the session early in 1764, John Starkey introduced a bill 
to continue the agency of Jouvencal for eighteen months, but 
the quarrel between the two houses concerning the membership 
of the correspondence committee caused the failure of the 
measure. 46 By their own authority the house appointed Jou- 
vencal its agent and named as committee of correspondence 
John Ashe, John Starkey, Cornelius Harnett, Francis Corbin 
and Maurice Moore. 47 

Later in the year the Assembly made another effort to have 
an agent appointed with the concurrence of the governor and 
council. Thomas Barker, an eminent resident of the colony, was 
chosen by the house, but the council substituted another person 
in his place. 4S When the lower house reinserted the name of 
Thomas Barker in the bill, the council rejected it. 49 The As- 
sembly took vengeance on the council by refusing to appropriate 
1,000£ to pay Samuel Smith who had been named as agent of 
the province by the governor and the council in 1759. The 
house correctly decided that Smith had never been the agent of 
the province. 50 

The inability of the different branches of the government to 
agree upon the choice of an agent had already worked much woe 
to the affairs of the province before the governmental authori- 
ties of England. The council and the governor were in the 
wrong, for the Board of Trade had declared that the power of 
naming an agent was vested in the Assembly. It seems that the 
Board of Trade recognized the agents appointed solely by the 
house during the time of the quarrel. 

In May, 1765, the house refused to submit to the council the 

44 Col. Rec, VI, 748. 

45 Col. Rec, VI, 702-703. 

46 Col. Rec, VI, 1134, 1136, 1137, 1214. 

47 Col. Rec, VI, 1214. 

48 Col. Rec, VI, 1287-1288. 

49 Col. Rec, VI, 1240. 

60 Col. Rec, VI, 1251-1252, 1313, 1316-1317. 

The Provincial Agents of North Carolina 75 

letters and papers which it had received from Joiwencal since 
the last sitting of the legislature. Governor Tryon wrote the 
Board of Trade that the Assembly's agent ought not to be 
recognized by the Board unless the house would permit some 
members of the council to serve on the correspondence com- 
mittee. 51 

The Assembly continued the agency of Jouvencal for one 
year. 52 The Board of Trade accepted Tryon 's advice and no 
member of the council having been placed upon the committee of 
correspondence, refused to recognize the agent. No agent was 
appointed from this time until 1768. 53 

The gist of the quarrel was that the council denied the 
Assembly the right of naming the agent, while the house refused 
to allow the council a proper share in the committee of corre- 

In 1767, Henry Eustace McCulloch, a member of the council 
then residing in England, offered his services as agent to the 
colony. 54 

An attempt to elect an agent early in the following year 
failed. 55 

Towards the end of the year, the house, by a resolve appoint- 
ed McCulloch agent with John Harvey, Joseph Montfort, 
Samuel Johnston, Joseph Hewes and Edward Vail as the corre- 
spondence committee. 50 

Parliament having adopted the plan of taxing the colonies to 
help raise funds to pay the war debt, the Assembly drew up an 
address protesting against such taxation. In writing to McCul- 
loch, the committee of correspondence characterized Parliamen- 
tary taxation as "totally unconstitutional and destructive of the 
natural right of mankind. ' ' McCulloch was instructed to assure 
the king, the ministry and Englishmen in general of the loyalty 
of North Carolina to the Crown, to present the address of the 
Assembly to the king, to cooperate with the agents of other 

51 Col. Rec, VI, 107. 

52 Col. Rec, VI, 60, 87. 

33 Ashe, Hist, of N. C, 312. 

54 Col. Rec, VII, 517-518. 

55 Col. Rec, VII, 641. 

56 Col. Rec, VII, 973. 

76 James Sprunt Historical Publications 

colonies in obtaining the repeal of the act imposing internal 
taxes on America and to work for the repeal of the law of 
Parliament which forbade the colonies to issue paper money. 57 
Samuel Johnston considered the address too submissive and 
with Joseph Hewes declined to serve on the committee of corre- 
spondence. 58 

The dissatisfaction among the people on the frontier of the 
province resulted in the formation of the Regulation movement. 
In October, 1769, in a petition to the legislature setting forth 
their grievances, the Regulators of Anson County asked that 
"Doctor Benjamin Franklin or some other known patriot" be 
appointed agent of the colony in England. 59 

McCulloch informed the Assembly that its address had reach- 
ed its destination and that he would gladly carry out the in- 
structions given him. 60 

Try on was authorized to sanction the appointment of an 
agent elected by both houses to represent the affairs of the pro- 
vince before the authorities in England. The critical relations 
subsisting between the colonies and the mother country ren- 
dered it necessary that an agent should be appointed in such a 
manner as to give him unmistakable authority. Otherwise, the 
interests of the colony would be doomed to delay and disap- 
pointment, 01 

In the autumn of 1769, the two houses appointed H. E. 
McCulloch agent for a term of two years with an annual salary 
of 200£ sterling. Lewis Henry de Rossett, Alexander McCul- 
loch and Robert Palmer, of the council, and John Harvey, Joseph 
Montfort, Edward Vail, John Campbell and Benjamin Harvey, 
of the house, were selected as the committee of correspondence. 62 
Tryon approved the act. 63 

Late in 1771, McCulloch was re-appointed for an additional 
term of two years and the committee of correspondence was com- 

57 Col. Rec, VII, 877-879. 

68 Ashe, Hist, of N. C, 347-348. 

59 Col. Rec, VIII, 78. 

60 Col. Rec, VIII, 55-57. 
01 Col. Rec, VII, 868. 

62 State Rec, XXV, 518. 

63 Col. Rec, VIII, 151. 

The Provincial Agents of North Carolina 77 

posed of members from both houses. 04 McCulloch was the last 
agent to represent the colony in the mother country. Being 
familiar with the situation in the province and in England, he 
was well qualified to render the colony much service. This he 

As we have seen, the office of agent was of vast importance 
and responsibility. The constant bickering between the lower 
house and the governor and between the house and the council 
resulted in much loss and damage to the interests of the pro- 
vince in England. 

64 State Rec, XXIII, 854. 


The James Sprunt Historical Publications 


The North Carolina Historical Society 



VOL. 17 









R. H. TAYLOR, A. M. 

Assistant Professor of History 
The Citadel 



The most pathetic figure in North Carolina prior to the Civil 
War was the free negro. Hedged about with social and legal re- 
strictions, he ever remained an anomaly in the social and polit- 
ical life of the State. 

The origin of this class of people may be attributed to many 
sources, the most common of which are (1) cohabitation of white 
women and negro men, (2) intermarriage of blacks and whites, 
(3) manumission, (4) military service in the Eevolution, and 
(5) immigration from adjoining States. As early as 1723 2 many 
free negroes, mulattoes and persons of mixed blood had moved 
into the Province and had intermarried with the white inhabi- 
tants "in contempt of the acts and laws in those cases pro- 
vided." In the year 1715 in order to discourage intermarriage 
between white women and negro men, a penalty of £50 was 
imposed upon the contracting parties, while clergymen and jus- 
tices of peace were forbidden to celebrate such marriage under 
a like penalty. 3 However regrettable it may be, it is certain that 
there were a few disreputable white women who had illegitimate 
children by negro men, and such children inherited the legal 
status of the mother. The laws of 1715 4 take cognizance of this 
fact by imposing a penalty on any white woman "whether bond 
or free", who shall have a bastard child by any negro, mulatto 
or Indian. 

Probably the most fruitful origin of the free negro class 
was manumission. While it is doubtful whether many slaves 
were set free prior to 1740, it is certain that the Quakers in 
their Yearly Meeting began to agitate the question of emanci- 

1T This paper was prepared as a thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements 
for the degree of Master of Arts in the University of North Carolina. 

2 State Records, Vol. XXIII, pp. 106-107. Hereafter the Colonial Records and 
State Records will be referred to as "C. R.", and "S. R." 

3 Ibid., p. 65. 

4 Ibid. 

6 James Sprunt Historical Publications 

pating slaves in that year, 5 and they never ceased to advocate 
emancipation both by precept and example. 

The free negro class was slightly augmented by the addition 
of certain negroes who had served in the continental line 
of the State during the Revolutionary War, many of whom had 
been promised their freedom before they enlisted. It was easy 
in such cases to allege meritorious service as a ground for eman- 
cipation. To the before-mentioned causes for the existence of the 
free negro in North Carolina should be added one other ; namely, 
immigration, particularly from Virginia. Despite the law to 
the contrary, many free negroes drifted across the State line 
from Virginia into North Carolina and quietly settled on the 
unproductive land adjacent thereto. 6 

In every instance except one (service in the Revolution) the 
free negro came into being against the will of the State either 
expressed or implied ; but once given a place in the social order 
of the commonwealth, his tribe increased in spite of adverse 
laws and customs prescribed by the dominant race. 


It has been previously noted that manumission does not ap- 
pear to have been a well-established practice before 1741 ; how- 
ever the practice was not unknown to the early planters. In 
the laws of 1723 7 complaint was made that the law which re- 
quired all free negroes to leave the State within six months after 
being set free had been disregarded by the negroes, who returned 
after a time. In order to discourage their return to the State, 
the law specifically stated that all such free negroes returned 
contrary to law should be arrested and sold into slavery for seven 
years, 8 and the sale repeated in case the negro returned a second 
time. One may readily infer from the very language of the act 
that it was ' ' obeyed but not executed. ' ' That provision of the law 
which required all free negroes to leave the State within six 
months after being liberated does not occur in the laws of 1741 

B Negro Year Book, 1913. 

6 £. R„ Vol. 24, p. 639. 

7 Atlantic Monthly, January, 1886. 
8 S. B., Vol. 23, pp. 106-107. 

The Free Negro in North Carolina 7 

— a fact that would seem to indicate that the law continued to 
be disregarded. 

Prior to 1741 a master could renounce ownership of his slave 
without leave of court, and according to an opinion rendered by 
Justice Ruffin in the case of Sampson vs. Burgwin 9 he could 
probably do so until 1796; however such a renunciation on the 
part of a slave owner was equivalent to a forfeiture of the 
slave to the public, which in turn might seize him and sell him 
into slavery. 

The law of 1741, which is the first comprehensive statute on 
the subject of emancipation, was probably enacted as a safe- 
guard against promiscuous emancipation of slaves by the 
Quakers. By virtue of this law 10 no negro or mulatto slave 
could be set free on any pretense whatever, "except for meri- 
torious services, to be adjudged and allowed of by the county 
court, and license therefrom first had and obtained." 11 For 
the first time since the element of meritorious service enters 
into the law as a determining factor in emancipation. By rea- 
son of the fact that the law of 1741 was flagrantly violated by 
certain Quakers in Perquimans and Pasquotank counties, it was 
reaffirmed by the General Assembly of 1777. 

During the latter part of the year 1726 the Quakers, already 
restive under the restrictions of the law regarding the eman- 
cipation of slaves, took advantage of the uncertainty of the 
times to set free a number of slaves in the counties of Perqui- 
mans and Pasquotank. 12 These illegally-emancipated slaves 
were promptly seized and sold into slavery, whereupon the 
Quakers brought suit in the Superior Court of the Edenton 
District for the purpose of testing the legality of the seizure and 
sale of the negroes. The Superior Court held that the slaves had 
been unlawfully deprived of their liberties, and as a result of 
the decision of the Court many of the negroes, in question, were 
again set at liberty. 13 In order to silence any further contro- 

9 20 N. 0., 21. 

10 Revisal of 1804, eh. 24, p. 66. 

11 Weeks' Southern Quakers and Slavery, pp. 209-210. 
a Ibid. 

13 Remarks on Slavery, by John Parrish, p. 210 (Weeks Collection). 

8 James Sprunt Historical Publications 

versy, the legislature of 1779 passed a law confirming the sale 
of illegally-liberated slaves. 14 

The Quakers were ever the unrelenting foes of slavery and 
they never lost an opportunity to impress upon the people of 
the State their conception of the iniquity of slave holding. They 
petitioned the legislature in 1790 to the end that the law of 
1741 be repealed and an act passed "whereby the free citizens 
of this State, who are conscientiously scrupulous of holding 
slaves may legally emancipate them, etc.." 15 

Due probably to the Santo Domingo revolt in 1791, a law 
was passed requiring any and all free persons of color who 
"shall come into this State by land or water or shall hereafter 
be emancipated" to give bond in the sum of £200, such bond to 
be held as surety for the good behavior of the sojourning negro. 16 

Emancipation came to be quite onerous in 1801, when the 
legislature passed a law 17 placing a further restriction on eman- 
cipators by requiring them to enter into bond "in the sum of 
£100 for each slave so liberated." Undoubtedly the law was 
disregarded in a great many instances. For example, we find 
in the case of Sampson vs. Burgwin 18 that a county court eman- 
cipated a slave notwithstanding the fact that meritorious serv- 
ice was not alleged. The Supreme Court held that an eman- 
cipation of that kind was valid because the county court had 
exclusive jurisdiction. Justice Ruffin observes in the case of 
Sampson vs. Burgwin that the non-enforcement of the law by 
the county courts probably resulted in a transference of their 
jurisdiction over the matter of emancipation to the Superior 
Courts in 1830. 

The act of 1796 did not require a petition in writing in order 
to emancipate 19 ; accordingly a free negro could not always show 
conclusively that he had been legally set free. The Supreme 
Court, however, consistently held the opinion that where the 
people had quietly permitted a negro to enjoy his or her freedom 

"Weeks' Southern Quakers and Slavery, p. 210. 

15 Ibid., p. 221. 

10 Martin's Bevisal, eh. 16, p. 79. 

17 Ibid., ch. 20, p. 179. 

18 20 N. O, 21. 

13 Stringer vs. Burcham, 34 N. C, 43. 

The Free Negro in North Carolina 9 

for a number of years "every presumption is to be made in 
favor of his or her actual emancipation." 20 

From 1801 to 1828, notwithstanding the constant fear of a 
negro insurrection, the active work of the American Coloniza- 
tion Society and the persistent efforts of the Quakers to secure 
more lenient emancipation laws, there was a period of compara- 
tive legislative inactivity with reference to the free negro. In 
fact, during this period there was considerable sentiment in the 
State favoring the liberation of slaves, thanks to the work of 
the Colonization Society and the North Carolina Manumission 

The North Carolina Manumission Society was organized by 
the Quakers of Guilford, Chatham and Randolph counties in 
1816, and remained in existence for more than twenty years ; 
however it did its most efficient work and had its largest mem- 
bership between the years 1825-1830. Among other things, it 
investigated cases of kidnapping, helped to raise the necessary 
money for purchasing slaves, and used its influence to obtain 
more lenient emancipation laws. 21 . The Manumission Society 
was very active in sending slaves to free territory to be set 
free. In 1826 two boat loads of negro slaves were sent to 
Africa 22 and in 1828 the Society sent 119 negroes to Haiti. So 
many negro slaves were sent to Illinois and Indiana by the 
Manumission Society that these States became alarmed and en- 
acted very stringent laws against admitting free negroes. 23 

Another interesting feature of the benevolent work of the 
Quakers deserves special mention. On account of the rigidity 
of the emancipation laws, the Quakers devised a scheme by which 
"Certain parties were authorized to act as agents and receive 
certain consignments of slaves from masters who wished to be 
rid of them." 24 While these slaves were under the tutelage of 
the Quakers they were virtually, though not nominally free. They 
were held ostensibly for the purpose of being transported to 

20 Stringer vs. Burcham, 34 N. C, 43. 

21 Trinity Historical Papers, Vol. 10, p. 48. 

22 Ibid., Vol. 10, p. 36. 

2 " Weeks' Southern Quakers and Slavery, p. 232. 
24 Trinity Historical Papers, Vol. 10, p. 37. 

10 James Sprttnt Historical Publications 

free territory and there set free. In 1826 the Quakers were 
caring for 600 slaves. 25 From 1825 to 1830 the slave holders of 
North Carolina placed in the hands of Quakers hundreds of 
slaves on condition of their removal to Liberia. 26 Much of this 
work, however, was undertaken in conjunction with the Amer- 
ican Colonization Society. 

The Supreme Court held in the case of Trustees vs. Dicken- 
son 27 that the trustees of "the Religious Society and Congre- 
gation, usually known by the name of Quakers", had a right 
to receive and hold property for its own benefit, but it could 
not hold property in trust for another. The Court held that 
nothing was wanting to make the condition under which Quakers 
held slaves complete emancipation except the name. This deci- 
sion was rendered in 1827 and did much to interrupt the work 
of the Religious Society and Congregation of the Friends in 
their efforts to abolish slavery. 

One would not be justified in assuming that the numerous 
negro insurrections in Virginia and South Carolina were pri- 
marily responsible for the legislative enactment concerning free 
negroes in 1830; nevertheless these outbreaks on the part of the 
negroes, no doubt, influenced the action of the legislature. It is 
more reasonable to suppose that the abolition movement which 
reached the State certainly by 1830 28 was a more direct cause. 
There is a popular conception abroad that the Southampton Re- 
bellion in Virginia was largely responsible for the stringent anti- 
free negro legislation of the year 1830. Strangely enough, the 
negro uprising in Sampson and Duplin counties took place in 
1831, 29 and the Southampton Rebellion occurred in the same year. 
The Southampton Rebellion marks a pronounced change in the 
policy of Virginia towards the free negro, 30 but so far as is ascer- 
tainable, only one law of any importance (that which forbade 
negroes to preach) 31 was enacted in North Carolina as a direct 
consequence of the Southampton Rebellion. 

25 Atlantic Monthly, January, 1886. 
20 12 N. C, 190. 

27 Johns Hopkins Studies, Vol. 27, p. 189. 

28 Atlantic Monthly, January, 1886. 
29 Tarborough Free Press, Sept. 20, 1831. 

30 Johns Hopkins Studies, Vol. 31, p. 452. 

31 Revisal of 1855, ch. 107, p. 576. 

The Fkee Negro in North Carolina \\ 

As 1832 marks the turning point in Virginia's policy towards 
the free persons of color, just so the year 1830 marks the be- 
ginning of a pronounced change of policy in North Carolina. 
Sweeping aside all laws and clauses of laws to the contrary, the 
legislature of 1830 passed a law, which on account of its signifi- 
cance is, I quoted, verbatim : 

"Any inhabitant of this State desirous of emancipating a slave shall 
file a petition in writing with the Superior Court, setting forth name, sex 
and age of said slave and praying permission to emancipate. The Court 
shall grant permission on the following conditions : Petitioner shall show 
that he gave public notice of his intended action six weeks prior in the 
State Gazette and at county courthouse. Petitioner shall enter into bond 
with two good securities payable to State of North Carolina in the sum 
of $1,000 for each slave." 32 

The bond, of course, was required for the good conduct of 
the slaves as long as they remained in the State, and to insure 
their departure from the State within ninety days after eman- 
cipation became effective, never to return. 33 On the same terms 
any person could emancipate his or her slaves by will. 34 

It is further provided (Sec. 4) that any one could law- 
fully emancipate any slave over fifty years of age upon petition 
filed and order of the Superior Court, by satisfying the Court 
that said slave had performed meritorious services and giving 
bond in the sum of $500. In all cases if an emancipated slave 
returned to the State he could be arrested and sold, or if he 
failed to leave the State the same fate awaited him. Action 
could also be brought against the bond of the emancipator and 
the recovery applied to the support of the poor. 35 The claims 
of creditors had to be satisfied before emancipation was com- 
plete, since no emancipation could work to invalidate such claims. 
This law remained in force until the actual emancipation of all 
slaves in North Carolina took place; however at least one of its 
most drastic features was frequently evaded, as I shall take oc- 
casion to show later. 

32 Revisal of 1837, cli. Ill, p. 585. 

33 Ibid., eh. Ill, p. 585. 

34 Ibid., ch. Ill, p. 585. 

35 Revisal of 1837, eh. Ill, p. 586. 

12 James Sprunt Historical Publications 

The law of 1830 makes three notable changes in the old pro- 
cess of emancipation: (1) the substitution of perpetual exile for 
meritorious service for all slaves under the age of fifty years, 
(2) the requirement of a written petition, and (3) a transfer 
of jurisdiction from the county courts to the Superior Courts 
of the State. Despite the apparent severity of the law govern- 
ing manumission Booker T. Washington in his book, "The 
Story of the Negro", says that the conditions and laws relative 
to the Negro in North Carolina were more lenient than those of 
any other Southern State. With the exception of a law passed 
in 1861 which forbade the emancipation of slaves by will 36 there 
was no further legislation in North Carolina with reference to 
the emancipation of slaves. 

We thus see that the State discouraged the practice of manu- 
mitting slaves by making it both expensive and troublesome. 
The only way out of the difficulty was to send slaves out of the 
State to be set free. Such action was perfectly legitimate, pro- 
vided the act was done with the bona fide intention that they 
should remain out of the State, 37 and in the case of Redding 
vs. Long 38 the Court held that "a deed conveying slaves to one 
in trust for the grantor during her life and then to send them 
to Liberia or some other free State . . . after grantor's 
death is not against the provisions or policy of our statutes on 
the subject of slavery." 

Occasionally the legislature assumed the responsibility of 
emancipating certain slaves, 39 but aside from the regular, vol- 
untary method of setting slaves free without remuneration, many 
negroes bought their freedom for a specified sum of money. It 
frequently happened that an especially industrious and ambi- 
tious negro slave hired his time of his master for a stipulated 
amount of money, and all he made in excess of that amount was 
set aside as a redemption fund. Lunsford Lane brought his free- 
dom in this manner. 40 

30 Laws of North Carolina, Session 1860-61, ch. 36, p. 69. 

37 Green vs. Long, 43 N. C, 70. 

38 34 Jones Equity, 216. 

S9 Laws, 1854-55, ch. 108, pp. 89-90. 
40 Hawkins, Life of Lunsford Lane. 

The Free Negro in North Carolina 13 

It seems to be a demonstrable fact that when a slave owner 
voluntarily set his slaves free without remuneration, they were 
usually sent to free territory but instances can be multiplied of 
negroes who bought their freedom and remained in the State, 
the law to the contrary notwithstanding. Sam Morphis, a free 
negro of Chapel Hill, who earned his living by driving a hack, 
bought his freedom and continued to live in Chapel Hill. 41 
Dave Moore, another slave, bought his freedom and re- 
mained at Chapel Hill. 42 Thomas Gosset, a slave black- 
smith of Guilford county, bought his freedom of his master 
about the year 1850 and remained on the same plantation. 43 It 
was not an uncommon thing for a negro slave to buy his own 
freedom and then bargain for and procure the freedom of his 
wife and children by the labor of his hands. 


As Judge Gaston pointed out, in the celebrated case of State 
vs. Manuel 44 , that under the British Colonial Government in 
Carolina there were only two classes of people recognized by 
the law ; namely, citizens and aliens. It necessarily followed that 
the native-born free negro was by the principle of jus soli a 
native-born citizen of the State. The fact that he was a citizen, 
however, did not necessarily entitle him to exercise the privilege 
of the franchise except by sufferance on the part of the dom- 
inant race. While political discrimination against the free per- 
son of color during pre-revolutionary times was not so pro- 
nounced as it was in 1835, we find very little evidence which 
tends to show that the free negroes and mulattoes voted to 
any considerable extent prior to the Revolutionary War. 

In the instructions of the Proprietors to the Governor of the 
Province in 1667, he was ordered to hold an election in which 
all freemen should help to choose members of the Assembly. This 
order on the part of the Proprietors was modified in 1734 45 so 
that none but free holders could vote; but not until 1760 was 

41 Information from Mr. John Huskey, an old citizen of Chapel Hill. 

42 This was also told me by Mr. Huskey. 

43 J. J. Brittain, Box 144, Salem Station, Winston-Salem, N. C. 

44 20 N. C, 144. 

45 0. R., Vol. 1, p. 167. 

14 James Sprunt Historical Publications 

a free holder defined. 46 In that year a freeholder was defined 
to be a person "who bona fide, hath an estate real for his own 
life-time or for the life of another, etc." The prescription of the 
property qualification for voting served to deprive the indigent 
free negro of the franchise. One would hardly feel safe in say- 
ing that the free person of color voted regularly prior to 1760. 
In a petition of the colonists to the crown in 1703 47 it was re- 
cited that in the election to choose members of the General 
Assembly "all sorts of people, even servants, negroes, aliens, 
Jews and common sailors were admitted to vote in elections." 
In regard to this election, it is said that "it was conducted with 
very great partiality and injustice," — the inference being that 
it was an uncommon occurrence for negroes to vote. 

The framers of our State Constitution of 1776, imbued with 
exalted notions concerning the rights of man, provided that 
every freeman with a freehold of fifty acres could vote for mem- 
bers of the State Senate, and that every freeman who had paid 
public taxes could vote for members of the House of Commons. 
Of course, under the terms of this section of the Constitution a 
free negro was entitled to vote ; but it is hardly fair to assume 
that the framers of the Constitution were especially solicitous 
concerning the political privileges of the free negro when they 
gave the ballot to all freemen. 

Notwithstanding the fact that the negro vote in the State 
was practically negligible except in a few counties, such as 
Halifax, 48 white people came more and more to resent the par- 
ticipation of the free negroes in politics. They had been dis- 
franchised in the neighboring States, Virginia having disfran- 
chised her free negroes in 1723 49 ; consequently North Carolina 
in 1835 was the only one of the slaveholding states that allowed 
the free negro to exercise the franchise. Lacking in intelligence 
and correspondingly venal, the free negro's support of any as- 
pirant for political office finally came to be regarded as a sort 
of reproach to the candidate. 50 It was asserted in the Con- 

46 Ibid., Vol. 4, p. 3. 
"Ibid., Vol. 1, p. 639. 

48 Political Science Quarterly, Dec, 1894, p. 626. 

49 Johns Hopkins Studies, Vol. 31, p. 418. 

50 Atlantic Monthly, January, 1886. 

The Free Negro in North Carolina 15 

vention of 1835 that the negro vote could be bought with "a 
little to drink . . . like a lot of poultry." 51 It is claimed 
that the free negroes lost the franchise in Granville county by 
persistently supporting Robert Potter. Robert Potter was a 
notorious politician who later disgraced himself by committing 
"a brutal mayhem upon two of his wife's relatives." 52 

Indicative of the general attitude of the white people toward 
the negro is an act of the legislature of 1832, — "an act to vest 
the right of electing the clerks of the County and Superior 
Courts in the several counties in this State in the free white 
men thereof. 53 No mention is made of the free negro as being 
a qualified voter in this election. 

In 1835 there were 300 colored voters in Halifax county, 
150 in Hertford, 50 in Chowan, and 75 in Pasquotank. 54 Of 
course, there were colored voters in many other counties of the 
State; however the free negro was not a regular voter in many 
western counties, notably Iredell. Mr. King, of Iredell, could 
not recall that a free negro had ever voted in his county. 55 

Many broad-minded men in the Convention saw and pointed 
out the injustice of depriving the free negro of the franchise 
when "he possessed the same property and other qualifications 
required of other citizens," 56 and to correct this injustice 
amendments were offered which excepted the property-owning 
class from the general operation of the law disfranchising free 
negroes. The amendments were defeated by a small majority. 
In the main, we may say that the colored voter was disfranchised 
on grounds of expedience rather than upon the grounds of 
abstract right. 


Before the establishment of an independent state govern- 
ment in 1776, not many laws were enacted which abridged the 
civil rights of the free negro. As a British subject he was re- 
quired to pay the same tithes as the other inhabitants of the 

61 Debates in Convention, 1835. 

52 Wheeler, Reminiscences, p. 184. 

53 Hoke vs. Henderson, 15 N. C, 1. 

M Political Science Quarterly, December, 1894, p. 676. 

55 Debates in Convention, 1835, p. 353. 

56 Ibid., p. 356. 

16 James Sprunt Historical Publications 

Province. 57 In 1746 "all negroes and nmlattoes bond and free 
to the third generation (extended to the fourth in 1776) were 
disqualified to appear as witnesses in any cause whatsoever, 
except against each other. 58 This law was never repealed. While 
the law protected a white man against one of the fatal weak- 
nesses of the negro mendacity, it undoubtedly gave to white 
people an undue advantage over their incompetent neighbor, 
the free negroes. 

About 1787 a series of laws were enacted regulating the con- 
duct of free persons of color. For instance, they were forbidden 
to trade with slaves in property of any kind 59 under penalty 
of £10 or three months in prison, they were forbidden to enter- 
tain any slave in their houses during the Sabbath or between 
sunrise and sunset, 60 and in the towns of Wilmington, Washing- 
ton, Edenton and Fayetteville free negroes were recpiired to 
wear a badge of cloth on the left shoulder, "and written there- 
on the word 'Free' ". In addition they had to register with 
the town clerk and pay a fee of ten shillings three days after 
arrival in these towns. 61 These laws were passed for the 
purpose of preventing free negroes from harboring run- 
away slaves, and from receiving stolen goods from slaves. 

The first law making it a criminal offense to bring slaves 
into the State from a State which had already liberated its 
slaves was enacted 1786. 62 The law fixed a penalty of £50 for 
each slave brought in, such fine to take the form of a bond 
as security for the removal of said slave to the place from 
whence he came. A similar law was passed in 1826, 63 by virtue 
of which a free negro was forbidden to enter the State of his 
own accord under penalty of $500 or a period of ten years in 
servitude. A period of twenty days was given the intruder in 
which to leave the State. This law was passed upon recom- 
mendation of Governor Gabriel Holmes, who became alarmed 
at the return of a large of free negroes from Haiti, at which 

ET £. R., Vol. 23, p. 262. 

ss Ibid., p. 262. 

69 S. R., Vol. 24, p. 956. 

60 Ibid., p. 891. 

01 Ibid., pp. 728-729. 

62 Martin's Revisal, ch. 6, p. 414. 

63 Laws of North Carolina, Session of 1828-29, ch. 34, p. 21. 

The Free Negro in North Carolina 17 

place they had become inoculated with ideas of freedom. The 
Virginia legislature passed a law in 1806, banishing all free ne- 
groes thereafter set free, 64 many of whom came to North Car- 
olina; however no action was taken at that time to prevent the 
free negroes from Virginia from entering the State. In 
order to protect the free negro in the enjoyment of his liberty, 
the State legislature made the act of kidnapping and selling a 
free negro into slavery in another state a capital offense without 
benefit of clergy, 65 but on account of the law which forbade a 
negro to testify against a white man, it was frequently difficult 
to prove a man guilty of kidnapping. A rather singular fea- 
ture of the law was that the penalty for stealing and selling a 
free negro within the bounds of the State could not exceed a 
fine of $1,000 or imprisonment for more than 18 months. 

The legislature of 1830, not satisfied with the task of mak- 
ing manumission more difficult, proceeded to restrict the move- 
ments of those negroes already free by ordering that no free 
negro could return to this state after being absent 
for a period of ninety days or more. 66 Provision was 
made for providential hindrance. This law served a double 
purpose; namely, it was a means of getting rid of an undesir- 
able element of the population, and in the second place it pre- 
vented the dissemination of radical ideas concerning freedom 
which itinerant negroes might bring back from the North by 
reason of having come in contact with abolitionists. 

For the purpose of protecting a free person of color in the 
enjoyment of his property, the legislature extended the law 
respecting insolvent debtors to free persons of color. 67 This 
law was repealed in 1841. 68 In the same year (1841) the rating 
of a free negro with respect to citizenship was further dis- 
counted by the enactment of a law which excluded him from 
the ranks of the State militia except in the capacity of musi- 
cian. 69 A rather singular situation prevailed. Here was a 

64 Johns Hopkins Studies, Vol. 31, p. 418. 

65 Martin's Revisal, ch. 11, Laws of 1779. 
60 Eevisal of 1837, ch. 34, p. 208. 

07 Laws of North Carolina, Sesssion of 1841, ch. 30, p. 61. 

68 Revisal of 1855, ch. 802, p. 1196. 

69 Revisal of 1855, ch. 828, p. 1218. 

18 James Sprunt Historical Publications 

class of people who paid public taxes and voted, but were not 
allowed to bear arms in defense of their State. 

On account of the difficulty of collecting taxes from many- 
free negroes, due to the fact that they had very little property 
which could be levied on, the General Assembly in 1828 re- 
quired a person on whose land free negroes resided to "pay a 
poll tax on the same residing there with their consent." 70 By 
act of the legislature of 1831, when a free person of color was 
convicted of a criminal offense and was unable to pay the fine, 
he should be hired out to any person who would pay the fine in 
exchange for the negro's services for the shortest length of 
time — not to exceed five years. 71 

In 1838 for the first time in the history of North Carolina 
the constitutionality of one of the special laws applicable to 
a particular class of so-called citizens was tested in the case of 
State vs. Manuel. 72 Manuel, a free negro of Sampson county, 
was convicted of assault and battery and fined $20.00 by the 
court. Upon declaring his inability to pay the fine, he was 
sentenced to be hired out according to law; whereupon he took 
an appeal to the Supreme Court of North Carolina. Judge 
Gaston in a lengthy and able opinion stated two important prin- 
ciples : (1) that the free person of color was a citizen of North 
Carolina, and (2) that the law requiring free negroes to be 
hired out in certain cases was constitutional. It had been argued 
with much show of reason in the Convention of 1835 that the 
free negro was not a citizen, mainly for the reason that he was 
not free to move from State to State. Setting aside this argu- 
ment, Judge Gaston demonstrated that the right of suffrage did 
not necessarily accompany citizenship. After postulating that 
"all free persons born within the State are born citizens of the 
State," he proceeded to show that the removal of the disability 
of slavery would automatically work to make a citizen of a 
slave born within the State. He justified the unusual mode of 
punishment prescribed for a particular class of citizens on the 
ground that the legislation was given a large grant of power 
in the suppression of crime, and by reason of this fact it could 

70 Laws of North Carolina, Session 1828-29, ch. 34, p. 21. 
KRevisal of 1837, ch. Ill, pp. 591-592. 
"20 N. C, 144. 

The Free Negro in North Carolina 19 

discriminate as between different classes of citizens, for what 
wonld constitute a punishment for one class of citizens might 
not be a punishment for another. 

On the case of State vs. Newson 73 which was decided in 1844, 
the constitutionality of the law forbidding free negroes to own 
or carry weapons was tested. Judge Nash, who rendered the 
opinion of the Court, took occasion to refer to the case of State 
vs. Manuel, saying in part, that the hiring out of free negroes 
introduced a different mode of punishment in the case of a 
colored man and a white man for the same offense, thereby in- 
ferring that such punishment was in contravention of the third 
article of our State Constitution, which forbids the granting of 
"exclusive or separate emolument . . . but in considera- 
tion of public services." In concluding his opinion he justified 
the discriminating character of the laws addressed to the free 
negro by saying that they "are not to be considered citizens in 
the largest sense of the word." 

Notice has been taken of the fact that a quietus was put on 
negro preachers in 1831. The rights of the free person of color 
were further circumscribed during the forties. For example, 
it was made unlawful to sell spiritous liquors to such people, 
except on prescription of practicing physicians for medicinal 
purposes. 74 The marriage of a free negro and a slave was abso- 
lutely prohibited by law, 75 and a free negro was not allowed 
to bear arms or to have weapons in his possession unless he 
had a license from the Court of Pleas and Quarter Sessions. 76 
However restrictive this legislation may appear, it is not com- 
parable to many laws on the same subject enacted in Virginia. 
Free negroes could not own slaves in North Carolina until 
1861. 77 They were not only forbidden to own a gun in Vir- 
ginia, but they were likewise forbidden to own a dog. 78 After 
1832 free negroes were not allowed benefit or trial by jury in 
Virginia, while in North Carolina this fundamental right was 
never abridged. 

73 27 N. O, 250. 

74 Laws of North Carolina, Session 1858-59, ch. 31fi p. 71. 

75 Eevisal of 1855, ch. 107, p. 577. 

76 Ibid., ch. 107, p. 577. 

77 Laws of North Carolina, Session 1860-61, ch. 37, p. 69. 

78 Johns Hopkins Studies, Vol. 31, p. 418. 

20 James Sprunt Historical Publications 

One might seriously inquire as to what remained of 
the civil rights of the hybrid citizen, known in legal parlance as 
the free person of color, save the right of trial by jury, road 
duty, and the poll tax requirement. In answer to this inquiry, 
I quote a portion of Governor Graham's letter to Holderby 
written in 1866 : 

Free negroes have always been regarded as freemen in North Caro- 
lina, and as such, entitled to the privilege of habeas corpus, trial by 
jury, ownership of property, even slaves, to prosecute and defend suits in 
courts of justice . . . and to prove by their own oath, even against 
white men accounts to the amount of sixty dollars for work and labor done 
on goods sold under the Book Debit Law. 79 

To the foregoing let me add an excerpt from Governor 
Worth's message to the General Assembly in 1866: 

Such rights as were accorded to the free colored people of North 
Carolina were ever most scrupulously observed and maintained. For 
ages it had been a most ignominous offense to kidnap . . . or to en- 
deavor to enslave a person of African descent who was free. . . . 
In all criminal accusations tried by jury, he was allowed the rights of 
challenge and other safeguards of the common law. Property was acquired 
and held by them with all the privileges of transfer, devise and descent. 80 

After all has been said, the lot of the free negro in North 
Carolina was a hard one. He had very little to strive for — no 
high and worthy goal spurred his ambition. The avenues of 
opportunity were closed by legal and social restrictions ; conse- 
quently he passed among the white people for a sort of worth- 
less incubus on society. Had the old slavery regime survived 
a few years longer it is probable that all the free negroes would 
have been compelled to leave the State, or at least an attempt 
to expel them would have been made. During the session of the 
legislature of 1858-59 two bills, one originating in the House 
and the other in the Senate, were introduced, providing for the 
removal from the State of all free persons of color by January 
1, 1860, or the enslavement of those who remained. 

n The Daily Sentinel, February 8, 1866. 

S0 Ibid., January 20, 1866. 

81 Bills found in the Weeks Collection, U. N. C. Library. 

The Free Negro in North Carolina 21 


{""Socially the free negro was supposed to take a little higher 
rank than the slave ; however not every slave would acknowledge 
the social supremacy of his free brother3 The attitude of envy 
and sometimes of contempt for the "old issue," as the free 
negro was commonly called, was probably encouraged by the 
slave owners, who wished to discourage the association of the 
two classes of negroes. It has already been noted that free ne- 
groes were finally absolutely forbidden to many slaves, and 
amongst other laws designed to prevent a too great intimacy be- 
tween free negroes and slaves, there was one which forbade 
them to gamble with one another. 82 In spite of the laws de- 
signed to prevent social intercourse between the two classes of 
negroes, there was a great deal of clandestine association, espe- 
cially in the towns. Mr. John Huskey, an old citizen of Chapel 
Hill, recalls the time when the magistrate's court in Chapel Hill 
was crowded with offenders against the gambling law. S3 It was 
a common occurrence on Monday morning to see a group of these 
offenders led out into the bushes and there given thirty-nine 
lashes. The relation between free negroes and slaves was prob- 
ably more cordial in the towns than in the country. Occasion- 
ally a free negro married a slave, and, indeed, a slave wife was 
often preferred on account of the fact that she was supported 
by her master. 

Free negroes and white people were, of course, forbidden 
to marry on any terms ; Si at the same time there are many well- 
known instances of illicit cohabitation between free negro men 
and white women. 0. W. Blacknall tells the story S5 of a white 
woman in Granville county who contrived to circumvent the 
law prohibiting her marriage to her negro lover by having a 
portion of his blood injected into her veins. She could then 
swear that she had negro blood in her veins. The free negro 
women, especially the single ones, were mercenary, and the fact 
that 55% of the free negro population of North Carolina in 

82 Revised of 1837, ch. Ill, p. 5 90. 

85 A considerable number of free negroes lived in the town of Chapel Hill. 

84 Laws of North Carolina, Session 1830-31, ch. 4, p. 9. 

85 Atlantic Monthly, January, 1886. 

22 James Sprunt Historical Publications 

1860 consisted of mulattoes 86 is very good evidence that the 
moral standard of many white men was decidedly low. 

The poor white man was ever an object of contempt in the 
sight of the free negro. ' ' Big white folks are all right, but poor 
white folks ain't no better than us niggers." Such was the 
general opinion the colored citizen held of his indigent white 

As a rule, the Quakers were much more cordial in their re- 
lations with the free people of color than was any other element 
of the white population in the State. 87 Rev. J. W. Wellons, 
of Elon College, N. C, relates an interesting experience he had 
in attempting to preach to a group of free negroes in Randolph 
county many years before the Civil War. The free negroes re- 
ferred to were known as Waldens. They owned considerable 
land and were withal respectable farmers. The Quakers had al- 
lowed them to sit in the congregation with the white folks, and 
also to come to the white "mourner's bench." On the par- 
ticular occasion in question, Reverend Mr. Wellons assigned 
them a certain space in which to sit, and invited them to a 
separate "mourner's bench," whereupon they became insulted, 
raised their tents, and left the camp meeting. As a rule, the 
free negroes did not attend church, possibly for the reason that 
in nearly all the churches they had to sit with the slaves. 88 

There are no available figures which show the percentage 
of crime and criminals among the free colored people as com- 
pared to the slaves. The fact that their criminal record was 
sometimes pointed out as an argument against the general eman- 
cipation of slaves, does not indicate that they were any worse 
than the slaves. The slave owners always regarded the free 
negro with suspicion because he was known to be in sympathy 
with the desire of the slaves to be free; he might aid slaves in 
planning a revolt, in running away from their masters and in 
disposing of stolen goods. 

86 Atlantic Monthly, January, 1886. 

87 Rev. J. W. Wellons, Elon College, N. C. Mr. Wellons witnessed the execution 
of Nat Turner in 1831. 

88 Pleasant Grove Church in Randolph county contained a reservation for free 

The Free Negro in North Carolina 


A glance at the table on the opposite page will show that the 
counties of Halifax, Wake, Craven, Robeson, Granville and Pas- 
quotank had the heaviest free negro population, — Halifax lead- 
ing with 2,452. Probably the largest group of free negroes to be 
found in North Carolina was the exclusive "old issue" settle- 
ment known far and wide as The Meadows, near Ransom's 
Bridge on Fishing Creek in Halifax County. The people still 
bear the appellation "old issue," and are heartily detested by 
the well-to-do negroes in the adjoining counties. 

The United States Census Reports show the following in- 
crease in the free negro population of North Carolina, beginning 

with 1790: 

1790 free black population 4,975 


,. 7,043 

In 1816 the General Assembly of North Carolina memorial- 
ized Congress to set apart "a certain portion of the United 
States, situate on the Pacific Ocean for an asylum for persons 
of color . . . heretofore emancipated or shall hereafter be 
emancipated under the laws of this State or any other State. " S9 
The Federal Government was to provide free transportation. 
Of course, no action was taken; but the petition throws light 
on the prevailing sentiment in North Carolina in 1816 with ref- 
erence to the emancipated negroes. As a matter of fact, there 
never was a time that the people of North Carolina would not 
have rejoiced to see a wholesale exodus of the free colored pop- 
ulation from the State. 

The pronounced indolence and shiftlessness of the free negroes 
led to the enactment of a law respecting idleness and vagrancy 
among this class of people, and provided for the hiring out of 
any free negro convicted of idleness for a term of service and 
labor not to exceed three years for any single offense. 90 

Hovt, Murphey Papers, p. 61. 
■ Eeinsal of 1837, ch. Ill, p. 588. 


James Sprunt Historical Publications 


Alamance 422 

Alexander 24 

Alleghany 33 

Anson 152 

Ashe 142 

Bertie 319 

Bladen 435 

Brunswick 260 

Buncombe Ill 

Burke 221 

Cabarrus 115 

Caldwell 114 

Camden 274 

Carteret 153 

Caswell 282 

Catawba 32 

Chatham 306 

Cherokee 38 

Chowan 150 

Cleveland , 109 

Columbus 355 

Craven 1,332 

Cumberland 109 

Currituck 223 

Davidson 149 

Davie 161 

Duplin 371 

Edgecombe 389 

Forsyth 218 

Franklin 566 

Gaston Ill 

Gates 361 

Granville 1,123 

Greene 154 

Guilford 693 

Halifax 2,452 

Harnett 103 

Haywood 14 

Henderson 85 

Hertford 1,112 

Hyde 257 

Iredell 26 

Jackson 6 

Johnston 195 

Jones 113 

Lenoir 178 

Lincoln ...., 81 

McDowell 273 

Macon 115 

Madison 17 

Martin 451 

Mecklenburg 293 

Montgomery 46 

Moore 184 

Nash 687 

New Hanover 640 

Northampton 659 

Orange 528 

Onslow 162 

Pasquotank 1,507 

Perquimans 395 

Person 318 

Pitt 127 

Polk 106 

Randolph 432 

Richmond 345 

Robeson 1,462 

Rockingham 409 

Rowan 136 

Rutherford 123 

Sampson 488 

Stanly 45 

Stokes 86 

Surry 184 

Tyrrell 143 

Union 53 

Wake 1,446 

Warren 402 

Washington 299 

Watauga 81 

Wayne 737 

Wilkes 261 

Wilson 281 

Yancey 67 

The Free Negro in North Carolina 25 

How did the free negroes employ their time? "While there 
were exceptions, the majority of the free colored people hired 
themselves to work for white people for a daily wage, others 
became blacksmiths, tinkers, barbers, farmers, small merchants 
and fiddlers. In almost every community there was a free negro 
well-digger or ditcher. Where they could rent land, many of 
them attempted farming on a small scale in connection with 
their work as wage earners. Free negro women usually made 
better house servants than slave negro women and were conse- 
quently frequently employed in that capacity. 91 

With practically no education, and with very little incentive 
to accumulate property in any of its forms, one is not surprised 
to learn that the free negroes, in the words of an old-timer, 
"never amounted to much." 

This paper would not be complete without reference to a 
few notable free negroes who achieved distinction in the State 
and nation. Lunsford Lane, the slave of Mrs. Haywood, of 
Raleigh, bought his freedom and then went North to collect 
funds with which to buy his wife and children. On returning 
to the State, he began to negotiate for the purchase of his fam- 
ily, but before he could effect their release from bondage he 
was forced to leave the State. Not content to leave his wife 
and children in North Carolina, he came back a second time 
on the assurance of influential friends that he would not be 
molested. Upon his arrival in Raleigh, he was arrested, tried 
and acquitted of being an abolition lecturer. He was subse- 
quently tarred and feathered, but on leaving the State the sec- 
ond time he carried his family. He later became famous as an 
abolition lecturer. 92 

John Chavis is another famous free negro. He was a regular 
ordained minister until 1832, when as a result of Nat Turner's 
Rebellion, all colored preachers were silenced. After 1832 he 
followed the teaching profession with signal success, conducting 
schools in Wake, Chatham and Granville counties, and num- 
bering among his pupils such prominent men as Governor 
Charles Manly, Priestly Mangum, son of Senator Mangum, and 

91 Reverend J. W. Wellons, Elon College, N. C. 

92 Hawkins, Life of Lunsford Lane. 

26 James Sprunt Historical Publications 

Mr. James H. Horner, founder of the Horner School. He seems 
to have had a very successful theory of teaching the English lan- 
guage, and his school was reputed to be the best preparatory 
school in the state at that time. 93 

John C. Stanley, another prominent free negro, began work 
as a barber and eventually acquired several plantations and 
sixty-four slaves. 94 Lewis Sheridan, a successful negro farmer 
and business man, the owner of nineteen slaves, was regarded 
by Judge Samuel Wilkeson, of New York, as a man of high 
character, moral worth and mercantile ability. 95 

Other free negroes worthy of special mention are James D. 
Sampson, John Good, of New Bern, and Henry Evans, a full- 
blooded free negro from Virginia, a shoemaker by trade, who 
founded the Methodist Church in Fayetteville during the late 
eighteenth century. 

After taking into account the entire policy of the State rela- 
tive to the free negro — a policy characteristic of the entire South, 
one feels that in many respects it was a mistaken one. For in- 
stance, should not the State have provided for the education and 
general uplift of its free negroes? While there were no laws to 
prohibit the teaching of free negroes, the State did not adopt 
any positive measures for training them in the duties of citizen- 
ship ; consequently they remained for the most part in abject 
and vicious ignorance. It is quite probable that the history of 
reconstruction in North Carolina would have a brighter aspect 
had there been an enlightened element of negroes as a nucleus 
around which the great mass of freedmen could have arrayed 
themselves. Instead of being led by carpet-baggers, they could 
have had the leadership of conservative, law-abiding negroes, 
already instructed in the duties of citizenship. 

93 The Southern Workman, February, 1914. 

94 Johns Hopkins Studies, 1899, p. 360. 
85 Ibid., Vol. 37, p. 35. 




Before we can understand or know the history of one county, 
it is necessary to have a general knowledge of the history of the 
colony or State. So, before writing the history of Craven county 
during the colonial period, I deem it necessary first to give a 
brief history of North Carolina before 1707. 

Carolina before 1663 belonged to Sir Robert Heath, who 
had promised to help settle it. He did not, however, make any 
efforts toward settlement. So in 1663 Carolina was given to 
eight Lords Proprietors, who were to settle it and govern the 
settlers as they saw fit. These proprietors were the Duke of 
Albemarle, Lord Craven, Lord Ashley; Sir John Colleton, Lord 
John Berkley, Sir William Berkley, Lord Clarendon, and Sir 
George Carteret. They immediately met and set up a plan of 
government for Carolina. They also said, and had it made 
known to the public, "that freedom should be enjoyed by the 
colonists, and that for the five years next following every new 
settler should receive one hundred acres of land, and fifty in ad- 
dition for each servant that he brought into the colony, subject 
only to the payment of a half penny per acre. There was also 
entire exemption granted from the payment of any custom 
dues." 2 

The first people that we are sure settled in Carolina came in 
1656, but we have a reason to believe that there were settlers in 
Albemarle before then. We find Roger Green, a Clergyman, 
petitioning for and obtaining ten thousand acres of land for 
the first one hundred persons who should settle themselves on 
the Roanoke and south of the Chowan. 3 This was in the year 
1653. Again, in 1651 we find a party of the people who lived 
south of Norfolk making an entrance by the Currituck inlet, 
touring Carolina. First they explored Roanoke where Raleigh's 
first colony was, then proceeded to the Tuscarora Indians, whom 

1 This paper was awarded the second prize in the Colonial Dames contest for 1916. 

2 Hawks, History of North Carolina, p. 70. 

3 Hawks, Vol. II, p. 70. 

30 James Sprunt Historical Publications 

they attached to the interest of the English. After meeting the 
Tuscaroras they journeyed southward and came in contact with 
the Neuse, Haynokes and Core Indians, who dwelt on the shores 
of the Pamlico and Neuse rivers. 4 It is probable that they came 
inland as far as the present Craven, or Colonial Craven County. 
In 1660 the people from New England attempted to settle 
on the Cape Pear River but failed. In 1664 a group of men 
landed on Cape Fear from Barbados, intending to make it 
their home, but they were also unsuccessful. At this time 
there were two counties in Carolina, Albemarle County on the 
North and Clarendon on the South, including the Cape Fear 
region. Between these two counties there was a region including 
the Neuse and Tar Rivers, later known as Bath County, but 
at this time unsettled save for the Indians and nearly 
equally wild northern hunters. 5 In fact I have been able to 
find the record or name of but one settler in the territory which 
later became Colonial Craven County who came before 1707. 
That one was Mr. James Blount, who came from Virginia in 
1664. 6 Although he is the only one we know of directly it is 
certain that there were others who had penetrated from Albe- 
marle or had come from Bermuda and settled there before 1707. 
In 1676 Thomas Eastchurch was made commander in chief of. 
the settlements on the Pamlico and Neuse rivers. At this date 
undoubtedly there were a few settlers on the Neuse, and these 
were stragglers from Albemarle. Most of the people who 
settled in Carolina before 1707 were either fugitives of religious 
persecution from New England and Virginia, or were fugitives 
of the law who came from Virginia and the Bermudas to escape 
from the hand of justice. Dr. Hawks says, "The region south 
of Albemarle as far down as the Neuse and Pamlico derived the 
larger part of its first inhabitants from the counties between the 
Sound and Virginia." 7 But before these commenced their mi- 
gration there were some whites there, but not English. Martin 
says that in 1690 the French Protestant refugees on the James 
River bought land on the Pamlico and settled there. In 1698 

tlbld., p. 71. 

6 Ibid., p. 6. 

Wheeler's Men and Memories of North Carolina, under Craven County. 

7 Hawks, Vol. II, p. 84. 

Carolina and Craven County or Precinct 31 

the whites from Albemarle made settlements on the Pamlico. 
The Indians in that region just before the whites came had been 
killed by a plague, thought to have been the smallpox. s But 
with all these settlements there were but about 5,000 whites in 
North Carolina in 1698. 9 Soon after this migration in 1698 
to the Pamlico River the English settled the present town of 
Bath. This was the first incorporated town in the prov- 
ince. Forty-two years had elapsed between the first settlement 
and the first town in North Carolina. This was due largely 
to the fact that the people were given to farming, and their 
products were delivered directly from the field to the boat. 

In 1707 the first settlement that we are sure of was made 
in Craven County. A colony of French Huguenots, encouraged by 
William III, in the year 1690, had come to America and settled 
at Manakin Town, Virginia, above the falls of the James River. 
They were not satisfied with the land that they first occupied 
and moved southward, one group in 1690, 10 and, as we have 
seen, settled on the Pamlico. In 1707 another group moved 
southward and settled on the Trent and Neuse Rivers, mostly 
on the Trent in Craven county, near where the old county 
bride stood, 11 which was not over a mile and a half from the 
site of the present bridge. "With these French, who were a 
sober, frugal, industrious people, and who in a short time became 
independent citizens, came their minister, Phillipe de Riche- 
bourge. 11 Some of his decendants still live in the county of 
Buncombe. And Williamson says that Rymbourg came with 
them, 12 but he must have stopped on the Pamlico. After a 
short time Richebourge, with a portion of his people, proceeded 
farther south and planted himself on the Santee River, where 
he died. 

There are plainly two causes that brought the early settlers 
to North Carolina. First, the land was fertile and free ; second, 
because freedom of worship was promised. Not only religious 
people came to North Carolina, but also outlaws and debtors 

8 Ibid., p. 84. 

9 Ibid., p. 85. 

10 Williamson, History of North Carolina, p. 178. 

"•Yass, History of Presbyterian Church and Craven County, p. 49. 
12 Williamson, p. 178. 

32 James Sprunt Historical Publications 

came. These mixed and we are not surprised that in a short 
time we do not find the settlers of North Carolina religious, after 
having adapted themselves to a new country, new manners and 
ways, and mixed the best with the worst. In fact they had ways 
of their own. But these people were not allowed to rest in 
peace long before an attempt was made to persecute them in 
their new homes. 

As we have seen, Carolina was given to the Lord Proprietors 
and they promised freedom of worship to settlers ; also Charles 
II said, "that the Church of England should be the church of 
the province. Yet that toleration should be allowed to all other 
sects so long as they did not trouble the government or insult 
the Church." These were the intentions of the Proprietors and 
the King, but they were unfortunate in picking men for gov- 
ernors of the province. 

The first of these governors that I shall mention was Stephens, 
(1667). He did not try to force the English Church on the 
people, but he did forbid them to pay debts made before coming 
to North Carolina. He also tried to force "Locke's Constitu- 
tion" on them. They resisted it, however, until 1775. In 1677 
came the Culpepper Revolt. Then came the rule of Seth Sothel. 
He broke off the trade with the Indians for his own private 
gain. He seized and confiscated without a shadow of cause 
cargoes, negroes, cattle, plantations, and even pewter dishes were 
not exempt from his rapacious hands. He upheld men of his 
own type, and there was no justice in court. In 1704 Governor 
Daniels came over. He was determined to establish the Church 
of England in the Province but had little success. He was 
governor only one year before Cary came as governor. Gary 
was determined to rule the colony. He ruled for a short time 
when Glover came over as governor. He did not intend to give 
up his office and he brought about the Cary Rebellion, which 
we shall touch upon later. 

In 1664 that part of the country between Albemarle and 
Clarendon was made into a county by the name of Bath. And 
in 1705 Bath was divided into three precincts, Craven being in- 
cluded in the Archdale precinct. 

Caeolina and Craven County or Precinct 33 


The present Craven county lies in the eastern part of North 
Carolina, on the Neuse and Trent Rivers. It has an area of 
about 417,950 acres and is bounded by the counties of Carteret, 
Pamlico, Jones, Pitt, Beaufort, and Lenoir. It is considerably 
smaller now than at the close of the year 1775. 

In 1661 the territory between Albemarle and Cape Fear was 
named Bath. In 1705 Bath county was divided into precincts. 
That part of the country between the Neuse and Pamlico Rivers, 
together with the settlements on both sides of Neuse, was called 
Archdale precinct. This precinct included the present Craven 
county and more. At this time there were about five thousand 
inhabitants in the whole province. The coming of the French, 
Swiss, and Germans to Archdale precinct, or Craven county, 
made Archdale the most populous precinct south of Albemarle. 
In 1713 the population of the whole province was not more than 
three thousand, the Indian war having driven the people away. 
But in 1715 we find the whole province to have about eleven 
thousand two hundred inhabitants. There were 7,500 whites 
and 3,700 negroes. In fact the population had increased in 
such numbers since 1713 that the Lord Proprietors found it 
necessary in order to govern the people and in order to estab- 
lish the Church, to divide each of the three counties into pre- 
cincts and parishes. Bath was divided into three or four pre- 
cincts or parishes. That part on the Neuse, Trent, and Bear 
Rivers, and their branches, formerly Archdale precinct, was 
named Craven precinct or parish, 13 after Lord Craven, one of 
the Proprietors. The population gradually increased in Craven 
precinct. In 1729 all the province was purchased by the crown 
with the exception of Carteret's part. The royal authority 
changed the term of precinct to county, giving each the colonial 
county government. Craven county consisted of the territory 
on the Neuse, Trent, and Bear Rivers and their tributaries. It 
seems as if there was no limit to the western part of the county. 

13 C. B. Vol. II, p.207. 

34 James Sprunt Historical Publications 

I suppose that it extended as far back as the source of the 
Neuse. In 1733 Edgecombe county was formed out of part of 
Craven county. 14 In 1746 Craven county was divided by a line 
beginning at the mouth of Southwest Creek and extending up 
the creek. The northern part became Johnston county. 15 In 
1764 the northern part of Craven was added to Dobbs county 
and later a part to Pitt. About this time, by the petition of the 
people of that part of Beaufort lying between Bay River and 
Lower Broad Creek, that part of said county, became a part 
of Craven county. So we see that from the year 1733 the bound- 
aries of Craven county were steadily decreased and one time 
increased, so they were nearly the same as now plus those of 
Jones, and part of Pamlico. 

The climate of Craven is changeable but good. The soil 
runs from the sandy soil in the fields to the black of the river 
valleys. In its productiveness it is unsurpassed, both for agri- 
culture and stock raising. Hawks, speaking of the eastern part 
of North Carolina, particularly of Colonial Carteret and Craven 
counties, says, "While from the Virginia line down to the sea 
coast in Carteret, the region of the first settlers was wonder- 
fully productive. The swamps and stream banks [Craven is full 
of such streams and banks] are full of oak, cypress, gum, cedar, 
ash, maple, and walnut trees. The pasturage was excellent 
and the oxen grew to a great size and were used for beef. Heif- 
ers increased so rapidly that in a short time people found them- 
selves owners of hundreds of cattle and beeves. The hog in- 
creased greatest being fed from acorns and nuts found in 
the woods. Sheep thrived." Indeed Craven was a rich terri- 
tory. Life was made easy by nature, and it is not to be wond- 
ered at that with such existing natural advantages and freedom 
as Craven afforded that the oppressed of other countries and 
colonies sought abodes there. 

The people of Craven county at first only traded with New 
England and Virginia, but soon with the West Indies and Eu- 
rope. Indeed, ships left New Bern direct for France and Eng- 

14 Handbook of North Carolina, 1879, p. 67. 

15 0. R., Vol. XXIII, p. 248. 

16 Ibid., p. 48. 

Carolina and Craven County or Precinct 35 

land before 1776. I expect that Craven county had as much if 
not more trade than any other colonial county of North Carolina. 
The chief products were beef, pork, tallow, hides, deerskins and 
furs, corn, peas, tobacco, cotton, hemp, tar, pitch, turpentine, 
rice, and flour. To Virginia went the greater part of our to- 
bacco, in exchange for articles needed. To New England and 
the Bermudas went the greater part of our products in exchange 
for rum, sugar, salt, molasses and some wearing apparel. To 
Europe went our naval stores. Indian corn, and naval supplies 
were our greatest exports. So great an amount of Indian corn 
was being shipped from New Bern in 1776 that Tryon, fearful 
that the supply would give out, proclaimed that no more should 
leave until after four months from date. This corn went to the 
North and to the "West Indies. 17 We had a good trade with 
the North and "West Indies. The harbors at New Bern were 
never seen without a ship from one of these places waiting for 
cargoes. Craven county was on the post road from Suffolk, Vir- 
ginia, to South Carolina. The roads of Craven were bad, but not 
so in comparison with those of other counties. Indeed, Colonial 
Craven county was an ideal place of abode. 


Craven county, or Archdale precinct, as it was then known, 
has the distinction of having the first settlers to come direct 
from Europe to the province. And this colony added greatly 
to the population of the province. They made good citizens 
and were welcomed to the colony. Fitch says, "This was the 
first important introduction into the eastern section of the prov- 
ince of a most excellent class of liberty-loving people, whose de- 
scendants, wherever their lots were cast in our country, gave il- 
lustrious proof of their valor and patriotism during the Revolu- 
tionary War." 18 

The German Palatines came from the Palatinate. They 
came also from Heidelberg, and its vicinity. 

" C. B., Vol. VII, p. 225. 

18 Fitch Some Neglected History of North Carolina, p. 26. 

36 James Sprunt Historical Publications 

The colony was indebted for these to the trouble in Europe 
in 1693. 19 This trouble was religious persecution. The Elector 
Palatine, Frederick III, surnamed "the pious," who died in 
1676, was one of the purest and noblest German princes, — the 
German Alfred. He was devoted to the advancement — 
political, educational, and ecclesiastical — of his people. 
In 1685 the successor of Frederick died and the house of New- 
bury, a bigoted popish family, came in. The religion of a prov- 
ince in Germany was at that time governed by the religion of 
the ruling prince, or in other words the people had to recant 
every time a new prince with a different religion came on the 
throne. The Palatinate was a strong Protestant province, and in 
spite of the invasions of 1622, 1634, 1688, ordered by the pope, 
had retained their faith in Protestantism and would not change. 
The new prince in 1685 being a Catholic, severe pun- 
ishment was brought upon them, but they refused to recant. 
In 1688 Louis XIV of France, a zealous champion of the pope, 
waged war on and invaded the Palatinate. The country was 
devastated and the people turned out of their homes because they 
would not, or could not, change their faith every time the 
throne was occupied by a new prince. They with their neighbors 
from the near vicinity, to the number of many thousand, had 
to seek homes in foreign countries. Great sympathy was felt 
for these poor creatures, whose sin was merely Protestantism. 20 
The Queen of England, Anne, pitying their condition by her 
proclamation, in 1708, offered them protection in her dominions, 
and about twelve thousand went to England in 1708-1709. De 
Graffenried estimated that at the time of his arrival in England 
more than twenty thousand had come, "but intermingled with 
many Swiss and people of other German provinces." 21 

About this time Christopher Emanuel de Graffenried arrived 
in England and with him a friend, Lewis Mitchell. Both of 
these men were looking for a way to repair their fortune. Mitch- 

19 Hawks, Vol. 2, p. 86. 

20 Hawks, Vol. II, p. 86. 
21 Vass, p. 57. 

Cakolina and Craven County or Precinct 37 

ell had been to America and knew something of it. De Graf- 
fenried was a young, handsome and fascinating Swiss noble- 
man and was a favorite of Queen Anne. He was a citizen of 
Bern, Switzerland, and the elder son of Antony De Graaffenried, 
Lord of Worb. He had been mayor of Yoerdon, in Neufchatel, 
under the commission from the senate of Bern. He had failed 
financially and went to England, in hopes of going to America 
to build up his fortune. 22 He saw a chance in these Palatines. 
He and Mitchell acted and through Mitchell's influence they 
determined to plant a colony in Carolina. 

They bought ten thousand acres of land between the Neuse 
and Cape Fear Rivers and their branches. They paid twenty 
shillings sterling per hundred acres and bound themselves for 
six pence yearly per hundred acres. In addition to this the 
Surveyor General was to lay off and reserve for them one hun- 
dred thousand acres of land for a period of twelve years. And 
when they had paid for five thousand acres at the set price one 
of them was to be gratified by a title. Graffenried made the 
purchase and was made Baron. 23 De Graffenried and Mitchell, 
having made this purchase, naturally wanted settlers for their 
territory so as to make it pay them. The Palatines offered 
themselves for speculation. The Baron and Mitchell knew that 
Queen Anne would help pay for their transportation to America. 
They mentioned it to the Queen, who was glad to help the 
Palatines. She not only paid for the transportation of them 
but also bestowed gifts to the amount of £4,000 sterling 24 on 
them. Before this, commissioners had been appointed to collect 
money for the aid of the Palatines. Then De Graffenried and 
Mitchell made an agreement with the Lord Proprietors. The 
result was that De Graffenried and Mitchell agreed to transport 
ninety-two families of the Palatines, nearly six hundred and 
fifty persons, with their own Swiss colonists. They paid only 
five and a half pounds per person for the Palatines that they 
transported to North Carolina, or about $18,000. 23 They were 
also to give to each family two hundred and fifty acres of land 

22 Ibid., p. 53. 

23 Williamson, p. 182. 
24 Vass, p. 57. 

25 Ibid. 

38 James Sprunt Historical Publications 

and the first five years free from charge, but every year after the 
said five years the Palatines were to pay them two pence lawful 
money for each acre. 26 During the first year after their arrival 
they were to be furnished grain, provisions and other things 
for the support of life. They were to pay for this two years 
after their arrival. They were also to be furnished within four 
months after their arrival with two cows and two calves, five 
sows with their young, two ewe sheep and two lambs, with a male 
of each kind. These were to be paid for within seven years after 
receiving them. They were also to be furnished, gratis, tools 
and implements for felling trees and building houses. 27 

The commissioners, on their part, for the Queen agreed to 
give each colonist, young and old, twenty shillings sterling in 
clothes and money, and to pay De Graffenried and Mitchell five 
pounds and ten shillings a head for transportation. 28 The 
money of the poor Palatines was given to De Graffenried, and 
if they received any of it it was only a small portion. This agree- 
ment is dated October 1709. 

In mild weather in January, 1710, after prayer they set sail 
for America, escorted by Read-Admiral Noris with two ships as 
far as the latitude of Portugal. The voyage was rough and 
lasted for thirteen weeks. They suffered terribly from hunger, 
and more than half died on the way over. At the mouth of 
the James River a French captain plundered one of the vessels 
containing the best goods. 29 Besides many dying on the sea 
a good number died from eating and drinking too much raw 
fruit and water after landing. Those who were left landed in 
Virginia, and after travelling twenty miles or more by land they 
arrived in the county of Albemarle on the River Chowan, at the 
residence of a rich settler, Thomas Pollock. He took care of 
them and supplied them with all necessities, for money. He 
sent them across the sound in boats and into the county of Bath, 
where they were located April or May, 1710, by the Surveyor- 
General, Lawson, on a tongue of land between the Neuse and 

26 O. B., Vol. I, p. 988. 

27 Ibid. 

28 Hawks, Vol. II, p. 87. 

ffl Vass, p. 57 or O. B., Vol. I, p. 909. 

Carolina and Craven County or Precinct 39 

Trent Rivers, called Chattawka, where afterwards was founded 
the small city of New Bern. 30 

De Graffenried was not able to accompany the Palatines be- 
cause he had to meet a colony of his own people of Bern. He, 
after picking out the best and healthiest of the Palatines, ap- 
pointed three directors, who happened to be then in London 
and who had lived already several years in Carolina. One was 
a General Receiver, another General-Surveyor, the third a Jus- 
tice of Peace. It is not certain that the three sailed with them, 
but we know that the General-Surveyor, John Lawson, came 
with them. Lawson, as De Graffenried says, "instead 
of settling these poor people every one on his own 
plantation, in order to gain time and enable them to 
clear and clean out their lands, located them in his own 
personal interest on part of his own lands on the southern bank 
of Trent River at the very hottest and most unhealthy place." 
Furthermore, he sold them that tongue of land between the 
Neuse and Trent Rivers at a heavy price when he had no claim 
to it. 31 De Graffenried had later to buy it from the Indian 
Chief King Taylor. On this place the Palatines remained until 
September, suffering from lack of food and other necessities. 
In fact, they were forced to sell their clothes and other things 
in order to sustain life. 

In September 1710 De Graffenried, with his Swiss, arrived 
in Chattawka. As we have seen, he left London and went to 
New Castle, where the Swiss joined him. The Swiss were mostly 
from Bern. They, too, fled from religious persecution. They 
set sail from Holland, stopped at New Castle for De Graffenried, 
and according to his statement he, with the Swiss, set sail for 
America in June 1710, arriving in Carolina about the middle of 
September of the same year. They landed in Virginia where 
De Graffenried was offered the place of Governor of North 
Carolina by a few Carolinians. They took nearly the same 
route followed by the Palatines, stopping at Thomas Pollock's 
home, then on to Chattawka. 

C. R„ Vol. I, p. 911. 
C. R., Vol. I, p. 910. 

40 James Sprunt Historical Publications 

Immediately upon his arrival he assigned each Palatine to 
his portion of land, and within eighteen months they had homes 
built that were comfortable. He also settled Chattawka after 
purchasing it from the Indians. He changed the name to New 
Bern in honor of the birthplace of himself and Mitchell, Bern 
in Switzerland. 

In 1713 De Graffenried left the colony and went back to 
Europe. He took with him not only the money entrusted to 
him by the commissioners for the poor Palatines, but also he 
either took with him or spent before he left America eight hun- 
dred pounds sterling, for which he mortgaged his lands and 
those of the Palatines to Colonel Thomas Pollock and his heirs. 
Pollock offered, after the mortgage had expired, to give back 
the land if De Graffenried would pay him his money, which 
he would not do. The Palatines were thus left on the land of 
someone else. In 1714, right after the Indian war, which they 
had endured fairly well, and had prospered to a certain extent 
and increased in number, they petitioned the Lord Proprietors 
that each family might take up four hundred acres of land and 
might be allowed two years to pay for it. This was granted 
to them. 32 

The Palatines and Swiss, both industrious, religious, 
mild of temperament, established in Carolina a new 
spirit of freedom and formed a new and improved society. 
Both of them prospered and not only lived in Craven county, 
but increased and expanded their settlements into Jones and 
Carteret counties. Descendants of these Swiss and Pala- 
tines figured greatly in the early history of North Carolina. 
Some of them held the leading places in public life. Others 
were renowned for their part in the Revolutionary War and 
the events leading to it. I have in mind one, Richard Cogdell, 
a Swiss, who held offices in the Assembly, and was a leader in 
the Stamp Act Riot in New Bern, 1765. Indeed, their value 
to the province, in either a political, religious, or social view 
cannot be overestimated. 

32 Hawks, Vol. II, p. 88. 

Caeolina and Craven County or Precinct 41 

The Palatines and Swiss were not, however, the only settlers 
Craven received in the year of 1710. In this year a colony of 
"Welsh Quakers settled below New Bern, on Clubfoot and Han- 
cock Creeks on the south side of the Neuse. Among these were 
Thomas and John Lovick, later promininent men, also Roger 
and Evan Jones. 

Some names of the Swiss and Palatines who came to Craven, 
on a petition to the queen, 1711, 33 and some are still familiar in 
our county of Craven and its neighbors: Eslar (now Isler), 
Renege, Moor (now Moore), Eiback (Hypock) our present 
name of Ipock, Morris, Kensey, Wallis, Gernest, Miller, Walk- 
er, Simons (our present Simmons), all German. Of the Swiss 
we find Coxdaile (Cogdell), from whom on the maternal side 
descended the North Carolina branches of the families of Stanly 
and Badger. 


At first the people of North Carolina were welcomed by the 
Indians, especially the Tuscaroras, because of the rum that they 
brought to them. Again the Indians and white men were gain- 
ers in each one's own opinion from the trade carried on be- 
tween them. In fact the relations with the Indians were as 
peaceful and profitable to the whites as could have been 
desired until the whites alienated them. For sixty years 
the Indians and whites lived together without war. This 
was partly due to the fact that the Indians who lived on the coast 
were divided into many small tribes without any powerful con- 
federacy. 34 On every section of the banks there was a tribe. 
They had a plentiful supply of sea food and did not depend 
as much on game for a living as the Indians farther inland. 
Therefore they did not realize the value of land, nor its use 
until after the whites had made a settlement with determination 
to remain in Carolina. Another reason is that at first the whites 
came without any forces and put themselves, in a manner, on 
the good will of the Indians and begged instead of demanded 
land. But the one fault of the white man in dealing with the 

^Vass, pp. 70-71. 
34 Williamson. 

42 James Sprunt Historical Publications 

Indian was, as I have mentioned before, the selling of too much 
rum to him. In 1703 Daniels attempted to put a stop to this but 
with little success. 35 

The most powerful of all the Indian tribes which inhabited 
the eastern part of North Carolina was the Tuscaroras, who 
lived on the Taw (or Tar) and Neuse Rivers in what is now 
Bertie county and counties south of Albemarle, also on Pamlico 
River. At first they invited the whites, but soon looked on 
them with a bitter eye, as the whites took more and more of 
their lands and mistreated them in some few cases. They had 
in all twelve hundred men or warriors. Besides the Tuscaroras 
southeast of the sound were the tribes of the Neusicos, Pamlicos, 
Cotechneys, and (nearer the ocean) the Woccons, Maramiskeets, 
Matchapeengoes, Hatteras, Cores, Croatans, and Bear River In- 
dians. The whole number of Indians able to take the field was 
about sixteen hundred. 36 The Indians who lived in Craven 
county were mostly the Cores, and Neuse, and a few Tuscaroras 
and Bear River Indians. Lawson says that owing to the plague 
which killed many of the Indians north of the Pamlico River, 
the Indians were the thickest on the Neuse, Trent and Pam- 
lico Rivers. 

As we have seen, the Indians first came in contact with 
the white man in 1651, when a party from below Norfolk 
were exploring Carolina. Next the hunters came in contact 
with them on the Neuse and Trent Rivers. The French in 1707 
were welcomed by the Indians in Craven county, and when De 
Graffenried and his colonists came they received a warm recep- 
tion at the hands of King Taylor and his warriors. They were 
met by this chief and his followers at what is now the foot of 
South Front Street, after exchanging greetings both parties 
went under two live oak trees, which were destroyed in 1841 by 
fire, where De Graffenried and King Taylor smoked the pipe 
of peace. Soon they made a treaty and De Graffenried pur- 
chased that land on which New Bern now stands from this chief. 
This transaction with the Indians helped to save the life of the 
Baron later. The Swiss and Palatines took them in trust, gave 

35 Ibid., p. 186. 

36 Hawks, Vol. II, p. 527. 

Carolina and Craven County or Precinct 43 

them work in their homes and on their plantations and bought 
some of their captives for slaves. The whites of New Bern and 
its vicinity even took the Indians and gave them bedding at 
night and food when they came to obtain provisions. 37 

The largest portion of the white population was north of 
Albemarle. The other portion was to be found in and about 
New Bern, over the country intervening between it and "Wash- 
ington, and up the Pamlico around Bath, in Jones on the Trent, 
then part of Craven precinct or Archdale precinct, and in Car- 
teret between New Bern and Beaufort. The Swiss and Ger- 
mans remained in and around New Bern. 38 

Before the Swiss arrived in New Bern, Cary had started his 
rebellion. He made so much trouble that the governor of Vir- 
ginia, Spotswood, was sent to for aid. Aid was sent and Cary 
was captured and sent to England. It was not destruction that 
Cary and his followers themselves did that made things so bad, 
but their influence over the Indians was one of the main causes 
of the Indian massacre of 1711. Cary had three prominent 
adherents : John Porter, Mr. Moseley, and a man named Roach. 
These four men really put the notion of rebellion into the 
minds of the Indians. Besides the influence of Cary and his 
adherents, there were other causes that brought on the Indian 
massacre. One, as De Graffenried says, was the carelessness, 
negligence, and lack of precaution on the part of the Carolinians. 
Another was the rough treatment of some of the turbulent 
Carolinians, who cheated the Indians in trade and wouldn't 
allow them to hunt near their plantations, and under that pre- 
tense took away from them their game, arms, and ammunition. 
They even killed an Indian. This incensed them most of all. 39 
Another was that the Indians by this time had begun to realize 
that their land was being occupied more rapidly every day. 

The Indians could not stand this much longer. All they 
wanted was a leader. They found him in the chief of the Tus- 
caroras. He divided the Indian into different groups, so that 
many settlements could be attacked at the same time. The 

37 Old Time Stories in North Carolina. 

38 Hawks. 

33 0. B., Vol. I, p. 922. 

44 James Sprunt Historical Publications 

Cotechneys, who lived in what is now Green county, joined the 
Cores to do the work at New Bern and on the Neuse and Trent. 
The Maramiskeets and Matchapungees were assigned to Bath 
and its vicinity. The work on the Roanoke and Albemarle the 
Tuscaroras and Meherrins would do. The strange part about 
this confederacy and its intentions was that they kept them 
secret so that they were not known, nor was any evil suspected 
of them until its purpose was accomplished. 

A few days before the massacre took place De Graffenried 
and Lawson, accompanied by a negro, started on a trip up Neuse 
River. They had travelled all day and it was near night when 
they were surrounded by a party of Indians and hurried to 
Catechna, King Hancock's town. Here they were cordially re- 
ceived by the chief, and it seems as if the three would have been 
liberated had it not been for a Core Indian reporting to the 
chief some minor insult that he had received from Lawson. 
Furthermore, the Indians held Lawson responsible for the com- 
ing of the whites and for their taking up the lands of the reds. 
Lawson and the negro were burned at the stake. De Graffen- 
ried made the reds believe that he was the King, and that his 
death would be avenged by other whites from across the ocean, 
and he reminded them also of the kindness that they had always 
received at the hands of the Swiss and Palatines, and that he 
had paid for, instead of stealing their lands. He was liberated 
after a stay during which he saw the Christian prisoners brought 
in from Pamlico, Neuse, and Trent. Before leaving he made a 
treaty with them which guaranteed the Swiss and Germans to 
be free from the Indian wars so long as they did not side with 
the other whites against them and so long as they treated the 
Indians rightly. 40 

On Friday, September twenty-first, a few days after 
the departure of Lawson and the Baron, the Indians, as they 
were accustomed, came into the settlements on the Pamlico, 
Neuse, and Trent, — only in larger numbers. The settlers did 
not suspect anything wrong. Just before daybreak, Saturday, 
September 22, 1711, the massacre began. Houses were burned, 

* O. R., Vol. I, p. 935. 

Caeolina and Craven County or Precinct 45 

cattle driven off, people captured and killed. In the town of 
New Bern it was not so bad however. The people fled, leaving 
their homes and goods to the Indians, yet they were not troubled 
as the people in the vicinity. In and around Xew Bern 
there were sixty or seventy Palatines and Swiss murdered or 
captured. Yet the people of New Bern were not harmed half 
so much as the people around Bath. This massacre lasted for 
three days and nights. 41 It must have been the past conduct 
of De Graffenried towards the Indians that saved New Bern, 
because for twenty-two weeks after the beginning of the massacre 
New Bern stood armless, before any real aid came to the relief 
of the people. Then when the colonists were on the point of 
starvation, the Baron went to Virginia for aid and sent to South 
Carolina also for aid. What provisions the colonists obtained 
were from the Albemarle section. South Carolina was the first to 
respond. Immediately after receiving the summons for aid Col- 
onel Barnwell, under the orders of the governor, with eight- 
hundred reds, mostly Yamasees, and about fifty militia started 
for the Neuse and the Trent. 42 After a long and hard march 
they arrived on the Neuse, received orders at New Bern, and 
marched against the Indians with such fury that they retreated 
until they reached a strong fort which they had erected in the 
upper part of Craven county. In addition to the South Carolina 
troops there were two hundred Englishmen and fifty Swiss and 
Germans under Colonel Mitchell. Upon reaching their fort the 
Indians received reinforcements and made a stand to fight the 
white. Barnwell, however, assaulted them so furiously that they 
were defeated with great slaughter. Three hundred or more 
were killed and one hundred captured, beside the wounded. 
The Indians retreated into the fort and after a siege, offered 
to make peace, which Barnwell, to his and the colonists sorrow, 
accepted. Because his terms were light, the Indians renewed the 
war immediately. If he had not made peace, the Indians 
would have been completely annihilated ; for Colonel Mitchell, 
with his fifty Swiss and Germans had raised a battery within 
eleven yards of the fort and mounted it with two cannon. He 

41 Fitch, p. 26. 

42 0. E., Vol. I, p. 934. 

46 James Sprunt Historical Publications 

also surrounded a portion of the palisade with combustibles and 
was ready to open fire when peace was made. 43 

The Indians did not maintain their treaty but renewed war 
almost immediately. Barnwell returned home, and the colonists 
were left in a bad situation. Tom Blunt, through the efforts of 
Colonel Pollock, was attached, with a few of his followers, to 
the white side. In the latter part of 1712 Colonel Moore arrived 
with aid from South Carolina. After stopping in Craven for 
a short time, he went to Albemarle. On the 20th of March, 1713, 
he laid siege to the Indian stronghold Nahuck in Green county. 
Here he struck them such a blow that they never recovered. Soon 
after this siege the Indians scattered, and in 1715 the remaining 
Tuscaroras left the State and went to join their kinsmen, the 
Iroquois. 44 

From 1717 the relations with Indians in Craven county were 
merely those of master and slave, in fact, very few remained in 
the county. Craven, in the French and Indian War, however, 
furnished her share of the militia which went to help Washing- 
ton, under Waddell and Innes, but which was sent back by 
the governor of Virginia. 

The results of the Indian massacre and war of 1711 to 1713 
were that the colonists in Craven were captured or driven from 
their homes, to which some returned. Most of their stock, pro- 
visions, and homes were destroyed. Indeed, it was a great dis- 
couragement to the young colonists. However, they stood it and 
were pleased when, by a petition, they received lands of their 

After they became settled and had schools for their children, 
they attempted with some success to educate and Christianize 
their old enemies, the Indians. 


The first inhabitants of Craven county were, as we have 
seen, only the hunter and straggling parties of Englishmen from 
Virginia and New England. Their aim in coming to North Car- 

43 Hawks, Vol. II, p. 539. 
"Ibid., 549. 

Carolina and Craven County or Precinct 47 

olina was partly religious freedom. But, they did not bring 
with them ministers, and after remaining in the changed 
surroundings for a number of years they lost all of their former 
rites and worshipped God in their own way. A minister in 
Carolina was regarded with as much curiosity as we would re- 
gard an infidel today. These people who first came to Carolina 
were, before coming, Puritans, Quakers, and other dissenters. 

In 1707 the first real religious settlers came to Craven county, 
the second such group that came to North Carolina. They were 
the French Protestants, who had fled from France for the one 
purpose of freedom of worship. They were of the Calvinist 
faith. They brought with them their minister, Claude Philippe 
de Richebourg. They were allowed at first the same privileges 
as the English, but soon the English became jealous of them and 
of their right to vote. This right was then taken away from 
them. They were religious and attempted to Christianize the 
Indians with some success. 

The next settlers to come into Craven county were the Swiss 
and the Palatines. These came also for the purpose of religious 
freedom, they belonged to the reformed Church of Calvinists, 
and part of them were doubtless Lutherans. They were stout 
Christians. Therefore, in Craven county there were three 
groups of colonists, including the Swiss, who were of the Re- 
formed Church, who were firm believers in the church and in 
Protestantism, while no other precinct or county had more than 
one. Therefore, Craven county was settled by more people of 
the church than any other county. It was the center of religion 
as it was the center of education and wealth, as we shall see later. 
During the colonial period there were many other colonists who 
came and settled in Craven. These were English, and a group 
of Germans in 1732. 

As we have seen, the Proprietors promised freedom of wor- 
ship to all settlers and the king promised toleration to all dis- 
senters. Again, we have seen that the Proprietors desired to 
establish the English Church in Carolina, and some of the gov- 

48 James Sprunt Historical Publications 

ernors attempted to carry out the desires of the Proprietors. In 
order to do this more easily, by the Vestry Act of 1705, 45 the 
province was divided into nine parishes. In 1701 it 
had been divided into precincts. Craven lay in St. Thomas 
parish. In 1705 Archdale parish was made, which included 
the whole of Craven county. 40 But since there were but few 
inhabitants in the Archdale parish, no steps were taken towards 
the establishment of the church. In 1715, owing to the rapid 
growth of the province in population, it was again divided by 
a new Vestry Act. Archdale precinct became Craven 
parish, which contained the territory around the Neuse 
and Trent, and to this all the southern settlements of the prov- 
ince were assigned, "Until further divisions were made." This 
time, by the Act, twelve vestrymen and a minister were ap- 
pointed for each parish : 47 

Craven Vestrymen 

Col Tom Brice Richard Graves Thomas Smith 

Major Wm, Hancock Daniel McFarlin Jos. Bell 

John Nelson John Smith Martin Frank 

John Sloeumb John MacKey Jacob Sheets 

These laymen were bound under oath and penalty according 
to the laws of England for vestrymen in that kingdom. Each 
one was also required to subscribe to a declaration that it was 
not lawful on "any pretense whatsoever to take up arms against 
the king," and "not oppugn the liturgy of the Church of Eng- 
land as it is by law established. ' ' These vestrymen, having thus 
qualified themselves to act, chose from their number two to act as 
wardens for a year. The statute enjoined the laymen to do their 
best to get good ministers, and authorized them by a tax per 
poll, not to exceed five shillings each on every taxable in the 
parish, to raise for the minister a salary of at least fifty pounds 
annually. But there was a proviso, that to entitle himself 
to his salary, he, the minister, should reside in his parish and 
not be absent over six Sundays, without a leave, in a year. He 
also had to perform all marriage ceremonies in the parish. 48 

45 DeRossett, Church Hist, of North Carolina, p. 162. 

46 C. B., Vol. XXIII, p. 6. 

47 C. B„ Vol. XXIII, p. 6. 

48 Hawks, Vol. II, p. 170. 

Carolina and Craven County or Precinct 49 

These two acts were not the only two acts passed to fasten 
on an unwilling people, by effective legislation, an Episcopal 
establishment with an adequate support by taxation. Other 
acts were passed in 1715, 1741, 1754, 1759, 1764-65. Taxes 
were imposed for purchasing ample glebes, building comfortable 
churches, and paying stipends to ministers, all of the establish- 

At first there were two classes who did not go by these laws : 
Quakers, to whom nothing at first was done, were allowed to hold 
meetings, but on account of oath these were kept from holding 
public office. Soon however, these were made to pay church 
taxes and to comply with the other laws. Protestant dissenters 
who came from England or the colonies in North Carolina were 
permitted to hold meetings, if in public, to be subject to all the 
English statutes touching the toleration of dissenters in the 
mother country. They were, however, in a short time deprived 
of the right of holding meetings, or of organizing. 

There were many different sects in Craven county. First 
were the Puritans, who came, as before stated, from England, 
and also a large number from New Jersey. They came from 
1707 steadily until after the war. Yet, they were never organ- 
ized or established in the county. The next were the Quakers. 
The first large settlement of these came in 1710. They did not 
organize, but were "God-fearing" Quakers. They were perse- 
cuted by being kept out of office, and, by all calamities that be- 
fell the province being laid to the Quakers as the people re- 
sponsible. Presbyterians were strong in Craven. The French 
were the first Presbyterians in the county, and some of the Swiss 
believed with them. This sect was strengthened by the Scotch- 
Irish who wandered, few in number, into Craven county. They 
did not have a church, but attended services with any denom- 
ination. They were moderate, industrious, and progressive, es- 
pecially in education. On Christmas eve, 1739, Rev. George 
Whitefield arrived in New Bern. He preached there in the 
court house a sermon that made the congregation melt in tears. 
He was much grieved at the encouragement of dancing by the 

50 James Sprunt Historical Publications 

ministers there. In November, 1764, he again visited New Bern. 
Here he met with what were called New Lights, or Presbyterians, 
in great numbers. 49 They were in the lead in number in 1765 
and were strong during the whole colonial period. There were 
many Methodists in the county, but not organized. After New 
Bern was in a district and visited by Methodist preachers, about 
1773, this sect increased rapidly. James Reed, the minister of 
the Established Church, says in a letter that he is trying to keep 
the Methodists down but meeting with little success. He also 
said that the greater part of the dissenters came from the North, 
and that they tried to run down the English Church. This 
was about 1763. The Methodists were of the more ignorant 
class. They did not organize until after the war. Catholics 
were few in number. In fact, there were not over ten in the 
whole county. 50 The Baptists came early in Craven county, 
and were strong. In 1740 they organized and asked permis- 
sion, in the form of a petition, to be allowed to build a church 
in New Bern. This request was granted, but Purefoy and 
Slede were imprisoned for presenting a petition to the court. 51 
But more probably they were imprisoned for charges of unlaw- 
fulness that had been before this time presented against them. 
This act was the only one of its kind in North Carolina, 52 up- 
held by the Toleration Act, intended for the punishment of the 
Catholics. The Baptists were, however, severely persecuted in 
Craven county but they increased all the more from it. They 
did not build a church until after 1776. 

The Established, English or Episcopal Church was, as we 
have seen, supported by taxation. This was the only sect in 
Craven county who were really organized and had a church. 
From 1701-76 this church or religion, by the different Acts be- 
fore mentioned was forced upon the people. By the Act of 1740 
a tax of one shilling and six pence was laid on each taxable in 
Craven parish. 53 Their church was not completed until 1751 or 
later. The first minister of the English Church that I can find 

49 Vass p. 79. 

60 C. B., Vol. VI, p. 265. 

61 Vass, p. 83. 

52 DeRossett, or Ashe, Vol. I. 

63 C. R., Vol. XXIII, p. 141. 

Carolina and Craven County or Precinct 51 

any trace of was the Rev. John Lapierre, who was ousted from 
New Hanover by Mr. Marsden. He went to New Bern about 
1735 and remained until his death in 1755. 54 He was not 
engaged as a minister there by the laymen, although it is prob- 
able that he held meetings. This is proven by an Act of 1741 55 
which enabled the laymen to spend the minister's salary on 
the church since they had not employed a minister. 56 By the 
Act preceding Craven county was made a parish with the name 
of "Christ Church parish." In 1753 the Rev. James Reed, who 
was a man of fine character, who was interested in the preaching 
of the gospel to the people, who did more than any other man 
in Craven county towards the establishment of the public school, 
especially the New Bern Academy, who in every way tried to 
help the progress of Craven county, came and settled in New 
Bern. Here, during the same year, he preached in the church 
every evening and at several of his chapels in the county. The 
vestrymen liked him so well that in 1751 they made an agree- 
ment with him, which was passed by the Assembly. This agree- 
ment provided for the payment of a salaiy of one hundred and 
thirty-three pounds, six shillings, and eight pence proclamation 
money to him annually, so long as he continued to hold services 
at New Bern and to attend the several chapels (which were 
eight) in the county, according to the terms of said agreement. 57 
Mr. Reed remained in Craven county until his death, which 
was after the Revolution. During this time he did much towards 
establishing the people in the faith of the English Church. 
The people of Craven county did appreciate him and his work, 
and showed it by getting the Assembly to give him a fixed salary 
and by building for him a parsonage. 58 Indeed, he was the 
best minister in the province and fared better than any other. 
The first members of the English Church in Craven county 
were some of the English from Virginia, the next were the Pala- 
tines and Swiss, who in belief were Lutherans and Calvinists, 
but as soon as settling in North Carolina applied to the Bishop 

M Ibid., p. 365. 

55 DeRosset, p. 69. 

56 S. R., Vol. XXIII, p. 182. 

67 8. R., Vol. XXIII, p. 420. 

68 G. R., Vol. I, p. 756. 

52 James Sprunt Historical Publications 

of London to allow them to be received into his church. And 
De Graffenried hoped that they would behave themselves as duti- 
ful patrons of the English Church. 58 This sect was increased 
by Englishmen who steadily came into the county from after 
the massacre until the war. It was, in Craven county, the ruling 
church, but only by being forced upon the people. For, as we 
have seen, the New Lights or Presbyterians were in the lead 

On the whole the religious conditions of the county were 
excellent in comparison with the other counties. Mr. Reed, in 
a letter to the secretary, dated June 26, 1760, said that he esti- 
mated that there were in the whole county about a thousand in- 
fidels and heathen and that the negroes were for the most part 
heathen. 59 


The first people who came to Craven were not educated. 
They had only the education gained by all early pioneers. The 
French, German, and Swiss were more of the class of laboring 
people than of educated noblemen. They were indeed the most 
educated people in North Carolina at that time. They had edu- 
cated ministers with them, and they were apt and quick to learn 
when the opportunity for study offered itself. We have no 
proof, but judging by the character of the people, and their 
purpose in coming to America, we are convinced that some steps 
were quickly, after settling, taken towards preparing schools 
for the children. 

Craven county soon became the center of learning of the 
province, when New Bern was made the capital. Then the 
most learned people moved to Craven. Again, the people of 
Craven county were wealthy and hired private teachers for 
their children when they were young. When the boy was well 
enough fitted he was sent off to college, abroad or in the other 
colonies. The greater part of the boys who went to college from 
Craven entered Princeton. 

•0. B., Vol. VI, p. 265. 

Cakolina and Craven County or Precinct 53 

In spite of Craven being the center of learning of the prov- 
ince, we do not find any efforts for a public school until 1764 on 
record. Yet, it is improbable to think that there were not some 
public schools in the province, because we hear every once in a 
while of the particular pains taken in educating the negro and 
Indian in Craven county. In 1761 we find the first public school. 
Rev. Mr. Reed wrote a letter, elated June 21, 1764, with this ex- 
tract concerning the school at New Bern: "We have now the 
prospect of a very flourishing school in the town of New Bern, 
one which has been greatly wanted. In December Mr. Tomlinson, 
a young man who had kept a school in the county of Cumberland 
in England, came here at the invitation of his brother, an in- 
habitant of this parish. On the first of January he opened 
school in this county and immediately got as many scholars as 
he could instruct, and many more have lately offered than he 
can possibly take to do them justice. He has, therefore, sent to 
his friends in England to send him an assistant, and a sub- 
scription for a school house has been carried on with success. 
I have notes on hand payable to myself for upwards of two 
hundred pounds currency (120 lbs. sterling) to build a large 
and commodious schoolhouse in New Bern." 60 

In 1761 the Assembly passed an Act allowing a school house 
to be built in New Bern by a subscription of private citizens. 
This subscription was taken up by Mr. Reed, who was one of 
the most earnest promoters of the school. He first received the 
promise of the money and had great difficulty collecting it later. 
In May, 1765, a petition, signed by Mr. Reed, and thirty-nine 
principal inhabitants of New Bern and the vicinity, was sent 
to Governor Tryon, requesting him to represent to the Society 
for the Propagation of the Gospel the earnest desire of the 
petitioners that the Society would assist them by granting Mr. 
Tomlinson an annual stipend, in order that he might be able 
to continue in New Bern and instruct their children, "in such 
branches of useful learning as are necessary in several of the 
offices and stations in life, and imprint on their tender minds 
the principles of the Christian religion agreeable to the Estab- 

•C. R., Vol I, p. 1,048. 

54 James Sprunt Historical Publications 

lished Church of England." The memorial is signed by the 
following names: James Reed, missionary, Thos. C. Howard, 
Samuel Cornell, John Williams, Richard Cogdell, James Davis, 
Peter Cornwell, John Clitherall, Jacob Blunt, Richard Ellis, 
John Franck, Thos. Pollock, Bernard Parkinson, Wm. Wilton, 
Christ. Neale, Thos. Sitgreaves, Corn. Grosnendeyk, Jno. Green, 
John Fonville, Longfield Cox and many others. 61 

Governor Tryon forwarded this petition to the Society with 
his hearty approval, giving Mr. Tomlinson a high character. 
The Society granted him a yearly stipend of ten pounds at first, 
and later fifteen. Before this, he had been receiving from his 
thirty students sixty pounds sterling all told annually. 62 

The property of the school building was taken from the 
church which was changed for a lot better situated on the corner 
of Pollock and Craven Streets. There was probably only one 
building used as school house and residence of the instructor. 63 
The building was started in 1765, and in 1766 we find a letter 
of Mr. Reed to the secretary of the Society that the building 
is going on slowly. In July of the same year, he writes that 
the house has been closed in and that the slow progress is due 
to the lack of money, men, and materials, — money particularly. 
The floors were still to be laid and the chimney to be built. That 
the work might not stop at this stage he drew upon the treasurer 
of the Society for his salary for the preceding half year, and 
sent the draft to New York to buy bricks for the chimney. Be- 
sides that, he made every attempt to raise more money by sub- 

The school house when completed was a frame structure 
forty-five feet long and thirty feet wide. It is probable that 
Mr. Tomlinson moved into this building the last of 1766 or the 
beginning of 1767. The school was incorporated by an Act of 
the Assembly in 1766. 64 The Act directed that the subscribers 
of the Academy Fund should hold a meeting on the first Tues- 
day in April, 1767, when they should elect eleven men of their 

cl DeRossett, Church History, pp. 172-3. 

63 O. E., Vol. VII, p. 98. 
6S DeRossett, p. 172. 

64 Moore, p. 44. 

Carolina and Craven County or Precinct 55 

number to form a board of trustees. These trustees, when thus 
elected, were to constitute a closed corporation to hold the prop- 
erty of the school and to manage its affairs under the name and 
style of the "Incorporated Society for Promoting and Estab- 
lishing the Public School in New Bern." The second section 
provides that the master shall be a member of the Episcopal 
Church, chosen by the trustees and licensed by the governor. 

The Act further provides for an extra tax on distilled spirits 
of one penny per gallon on all imported into the Neuse and 
Trent Rivers, for the purpose of the support of the school at 
New Bern. 05 The main object of this special tax was to pay Mr. 
Tomlinson twenty pounds yearly towards the salary of an assis- 
tant teacher. This Act was continued in force for seven years. 
In consideration for the revenue thus granted to the school ten 
poor children, whose parents were unable to pay their tuition, 
should be nominated by the trustees and these children were 
to receive the benefits of the school free of charge. This is the 
only public provision ever made for the school. In 1768 Mr. 
Reed estimated that this duty on spirits would yield an annual 
income of sixty pounds, which would be sufficient to pay Mr. 
Tomlinson twenty pounds towards the salary of his assistant and 
also to supply during the seven years of his continuance a fund 
which would pay off all indebtedness of the trustees and enable 
them to complete the building. 66 Besides this revenue the trus- 
tees received from the Assembly twenty pounds to hold their 
meetings in a room of the school building. From 1769 to 1761 
they received forty pounds annually from the same source. 67 
Also there was another small income available for the purposes 
of the school. There were two half cut off lots from the church 
yard which were leased out for twenty-one years and constituted 
the beginning of a fund intended for the permanent endowment 
of the Academy. All this revenue for the school amounted to 
more than was expected. In March, 1772, Mr. Reed sent the 
following account of the income and expense of the school for 
the preceding three years: 

65 C. B., Vol. VII, p. 443. 

66 DeRossett, p. 175. 

67 Ibid., p. 176. 

56 James Sprunt Historical Publications 


By net proceeds for duty on liquors £ 247,11, 4 

Eent of school chamber by Assembly £ 100,00, 

Ground rent, first payment 1771 £ 19,10, 

£ 367,01, 4 

Annual Income £ 122,07, 1 


To assistant master £ 20,00, 

Poor scholars, ten at £4 £ 40,00, 

Books, paper, and firewood £ 10,00, 

Total £ 70,00, 

Balance for repairs £ 52,07, 1 

Expense £ 122,07, 1 

This revenue was allowed by the Assembly in payment for 
the good the public received from the school. 

This school was the first of its kind in the colony, and the 
first school house established in the province by legislative au- 
thority. This school was kept open for many years after the 
war. But the school lost its first teacher, Mr. Tomlinson, by an 
act of injustice on the part of the trustees. Mr. Reed, in several 
letters, took the part of the instructor. He had been an admirable 
teacher and master of the school, according to Mr. Reed, but 
he believed in making the students behave and study and when 
they did not do this he used the only known method of com- 
pelling them to do so, — that Avas the switch. This offended the 
parents of some of the students, who were members of the board 
of trustees. These, according to Mr. Tomlinson, stopped his pay 
and he had to sue for it. The trustees discharged him, but Mr. 
Parrott, who was to succeed him, refused to accept the place 
after learning how Mr. Tomlinson had been treated, and so Mr. 
Tomlinson kept the school until he voluntarily retired. His re- 
tirement, according to his own letters, was caused by the action 
of the trustees. During the year of 1772 he left New Bern and 
removed to Rhode Island. Not only did Mr. Reed take sides 
with Tomlinson, but also Governor Martin went so far as to 
say that he wished that the Act incorporating the trustees would 

Caeolina and Craven County or Precinct 57 

be repealed for their conduct. 68 The people of New Bern and 
its vicinity drove away one of their best citizens. 

De Rossett says: "Mr. Tomlinson must be placed at the 
head of the line of professional teachers whose work has gone 
into the history of North Carolina. There had been ministers, 
before his day, or contemporary with him, who, acting also as 
school teachers, had done and were doing an incalculable work 
for the State, which was to be in training to guide and govern 
it in its development to wealth and power, but so far as the 
writer is informed, Mr. Tomlinson was the first professional 
teacher who had under his training a large element of the youth 
of the colony. New Bern and the district about it were fruitful 
of men of eminence and of influence in the end of the eighteenth 
and the beginning of the nineteenth centuries. Many of these 
must have laid the foundation of their intellectual and moral 
training in the New Bern Academy between the years 1764 and 
1772, while Mr. Tomlinson presided as master." 00 Governor 
Tryon said of Mr. Tomlinson that he was the only man in the 
county who was a true professional school teacher. Not only 
was Mr. Tomlinson a great professional character in his business, 
but a good member of society. AVhen North Carolina lost him 
it lost one of its greatest benefactors. 

The New Bern Academy was established and managed ac- 
cording to the orders of the Church of England. The minister 
was the main founder of it. Mr. James Reed and the master 
were compelled to be members of the English Church. Yet, the 
people did not look upon it with any prejudice because it was a 
church school. This fact is shown by the names of the most 
prominent men of the province and county being on the 
list of subscribers, also as trustees and as petitioners 
for the salary given to Mr. Tomlinson by the Society. Again, 
the children of the most prominent men in the province attended 
school there under Mr. Tomlinson and his assistant, Mr. James 
McCartney. In fact, this school had the hearty support of all 
the people of North Carolina. 

1 DeRossett, p. 176. 
1 Ibid., p. 177. 

58 James Sprunt Historical Publications 

This school established in New Bern in 1764 has had more 
influence upon the history of the early state of North Carolina 
than any other institution save the University. It is a fact that 
the leading men of the State from 1790 to 1835 came from the 
eastern part around New Bern, Cape Fear, and Edenton. The 
majority of these men received the foundation of their training 
at the New Bern Academy. Too little space is given in history 
to that mother of schools in North Carolina. 


Including a Brief Sketch of Regulation Movement As Far 
As It Concerned Craven County 

In 1764 Governor Dobbs, failing in health, was relieved of 
his more active duties of office, they being placed upon William 
Tryon, who was made lieutenant-governor of North Carolina. 
But Governor Dobbs never left Carolina, as he intended, for in 
the spring of 1765 he died, and Tryon was made temporary gov- 
ernor of the colony until the fall. At this time he was made 
permanent governor by the king. He first lived in Brunswick, 
but later, after having his palace built in New Bern, lived there 
during the remainder of his stay in North Carolina. 

Tryon as a man is well described by Fitch, thus : ' ' Tryon 
was a soldier by profession and looked upon the sword as the 
true sceptre of the government. He knew when to flatter and 
when to threaten; he knew when discretion was the better part 
of valor, and when to use such force and cruelty as achieved 
for him from the Cherokee Indians the bloody title of 'The 
Great Wolf of North Carolina.' He could use courtesy towards 
the assembly room when he desired large appropriations for his 
palace ; and he knew how to bring to bear blandishments of the 
female society of his family, and all the appliances of generous 
hospitality. Indeed, he did know how to bring to bear blandish- 
ments of the female society of his family." 70 It is said and be- 
lieved by many people that his wife and her sister, Miss Wake, 

70 Fitch, p. 30. 

Carolina and Craven County or Precinct 59 

who made her home with the governor, helped and advised hfm 
in all his plans, either social or political. Mrs. Tryon and her 
sisters are spoken of by all the older historians as being charm- 
ing and entertaining ladies. 71 Anyway, they had a great deal 
of influence over the governor, and over the social circles of the 
capital of the province. Miss Wake was honored by the people 
of Carolina by their giving her name to one of the now metro- 
politan counties of North Carolina. The name of the county 
of Tryon was changed after the Kevolutionary "War, but Wake 
county is still a memorial to his sister-in-law. 

Tryon, with all the good influences around him, denied the 
western counties their rights. Dr. Williamson says it was a 
good thing for the western counties that Tryon was not bigoted. 
He was not an ideal governor, but he was undoubtedly the best 
governor who had ruled the province up to this time and up to 
the War of Independence. He did punish the western coun- 
ties for the failure of officers to do their duty. But despite that 
he did more for the province than anyone before him. He was 
one of the main advocates for the establishment of the public 
school in New Bern, and partly through his efforts the Assembly 
chartered the Academy in 1766. He also sent several petitions 
to the Society for the aid of the church and schools in the prov- 
ince. It was indeed his misfortune that he had, in order to keep 
his governorship, to collect taxes, to enforce the navigation acts, 
and to press the Stamp Act upon the people. 

The one thing that he cannot be excused of is his attitude 
toward the regulators. He allowed them representatives in the 
Assembly until Herman Husband, the representative from 
Orange county, when asked why his people did not pay their 
taxes, threw the tax money on the table before the governor and 
remarked: "I brought it to keep it from dwindling, seeing 
that when passing through so many fingers it, like a cake of soap, 
grows less at each handling." Tryon eyed him, and after the 
disapproval of his council, had Chief Justice Howard, who was 
a member of the council, to issue a warrant for his apprehension, 
and had him placed in the jail at New Bern where he was con- 

71 Moore, p. 41. 

60 James Sprunt Historical Publications 

fined for a few days. He was released only when the governor 
heard that two hundred regulators had crossed Haw River and 
were marching to New Bern to free him. 72 In fact, the gov- 
ernor had fortifications erected and Colonel Leach with his 
troops placed in the trenches to protect New Bern from the 
Regulators. Tryon, in order to have a secure hold on him, 
brought an indictment against him that he might have him tried 
in New Bern by a grand jury of the New Bern precinct. This 
jury failed to find a bill against Husband and he was dismissed. 
Even though the governor used his greatest energy against him, 
and, for the purpose of turning the people of the east, — espe- 
cially Craven,- — against the Regulators, it took him from April, 
1769, to February, 1771, to find a jury who returned a true 
bill against Husband. 73 

Again, the existing conditions in each part were different 
without any communication. Tryon, the hater of the Regulators, 
lived in the east and practically controlled many of the leaders. 
The people of Craven county were not expected to show sym- 
pathy for the people of the west, since Tryon lived in the east. 
Yet besides the refusal to find a true bill against Hus- 
band by the people of New Bern district, the militia of Craven 
county for three days refused to march against him. Tryon, 
speaking of the Craven militia, said that the militia was not to 
be relied upon. 74 In 1770 Tryon started his campaign against 
the Regulators in earnest. The militia of Craven and Beaufort 
under Leach formed the right wing of the front. Craven in all 
had four companies of infantry and one of artillery. These 
played a conspicuous part in the whole campaign of Tryon. 
Several members of the militia from Craven county were killed 
in the battle of Alamance. One officer that was killed there 
was ensign William Bryan, of Craven county. 


On November 24, 1766, the Assembly passed a bill for the 
erection of a convenient building within the town of New Bern 
for the residence of the governor and commander-in-chief for the 

72 C. R., Vol. VIII, p. 500. 

73 Ibid., p. iv. 

74 C. R., Vol. VIII, p. 546. 

Carolina and Craven uounty or Precinct 61 

time being. 75 This bill was said to have been suggested by the 
king first, but Tryon was the main power that pushed it through 
the Assembly with the aid of his friends and relations. 
The execution of the bill was put under his orders and direc- 
tions solely. 76 The governor's tastes and desires for luxury 
were paid for by the collection of almost intolerable taxes from 
the people of the province, who had few resources and less 
money. The building of the palace had many results. First, 
it made the people of both the east and west look upon Tryon 
as a man seeking only self-elevation, and caused them to com- 
plain bitterly against the taxes. This was the first step that 
led the people to revolt so soon against the undue oppression of 
the king. It was a great thing for New Bern and Craven county 
because it brought the officials of the province into the county 
and made the social circles of Craven the best in the province. 
Again, it brought trade to New Bern and put some little money 
into circulation. Also, it helped to make Tryon known to all 

Tryon estimated that it would cost about £14,710, but when 
the building was completed it was at an expense of £17,815 
besides the furniture. When it was finished and the governor 
moved in, it had cost the people of North Carolina at least 
£20,000,— or $100,000. Tryon procured John Hawkes to super- 
intend the construction of it. He had come to America with 
Tryon and was a near relative to the Dr. Hawks, historian, who 
lived in New Bern. 77 Skilled artisans came from Philadelphia 
to do the work. The work on the mansion began August 26, 
1767. In December Tryon reported that the work was being 
steadily pushed ahead for completion. And in October, 1770, 
it was completed and the governor moved in. In January the 
public records were moved into the palace. 7S 

It was situated on a square of six acres condemned land 
bounded by Eden, Metcalf, and Pollock Streets and Trent Riv- 
er. 79 The present George Street was part of the walk that led 
to the main building. 

75 Ibid., Vol. VII, p. 320. 

76 Ibid., p. 2 66. 

77 Haywood, 64. 

78 G. R„ Vol. VII, p. 695. 
re Vass, p. 90. 

62 James Sprunt Historical Publications 

Almost all the material came from England, especially bricks 
and prepared material. Even the plumbers and their lead to 
the amount of eight tons came from London. 80 

The contract that was made called for a two-story main 
building, but by the authority of some one it was made a three- 
story one, eighty-seven feet high in front, and fifty-nine feet 
wide. This main building was the governor's headquarters, the 
right wing a two-story building of some expensive material and 
workmanship was the secretary's office. The left wing resem- 
bling the right in every particular was the servant's headquar- 
ters. The three buildings were connected by covered colonnades, 
of five columns each. "Between the two wings in front of the 
main building was a handsome court. The rear of the building 
was finished in the style of the Mansion House in London. 81 
The ends of the buildings were beautifully decorated^ with 
statues, and other work of sculpture. Marble from Italy was 
not spared, because of price, but used freely. The ball room was 
not forgotten, because it was there that Tryon, as Maurice Moore 
says, acted too much like a ruler. In the council chamber there 
was a handsomely-designed chimney piece, containing decora- 
tions of Ionic statuary, with columns of Sienna, the fretwork 
of frieze being also inlaid with the latter material. In addition 
to this, and above the whole, were richly ornamental marble 
tablets, on which were the medallions of King George and his 
queen. 82 

Over the door of antechamber was a Latin verse showing 
that it was dedicated to Sir William Draper, in translation by 
Martin Means; it read: 

"In the reign of a monarch, who goodness disclosed, 
A free happy people, to dread tyrants opposed, 
Have to virtue and merit erected this dome; 
May the owner and household make the loved home, 
Where religion, the arts and laws may invite, 
Future ages to live in sweet peace and delight." 8 * 

80 C. R., Vol. VIII. pp. 7- 
81 Vass, p. 91. 

82 Haywood, p. 65. 

83 Ibid. 

Caeolina and Craven County or Precinct 63 

The main part and left wing were burned in 1798. The right 
wing remains today, and is used as a residence by a family 
named Duffy. 

This palace was by far the most splendid in North America, 
and if we can believe the unfortunate General Don Francisco 
de Miranda, of South America, who visited the edifice in 1783, 
in company of Judge Martin, there was not one in South Amer- 
ica which could come up with it. He said : ' ' Even in South 
America, a land of palaces, it has no equal." 84 Tryon only 
enjoyed his mansion a year when he went to New York. 


New Bern, the county seat of Craven county and the capital 
of the province for many years was the largest town in North 
Carolina up until the war and afterwards. In 1777, Mr. Watson 
on his journey passed through New Bern said then there were 
about a hundred and fifty houses. In 1796 Mr. "Winterbothan 
says, "New Bern is the largest town in the State. It contains 
about four hundred houses all built of wood save the palace, jail, 
church and two residences. . . . The Episcopal Church is 
a small brick building with a bell." S5 

New Bern is thought to have been laid off in May or June, 
1710, by Colonel Thomas Pollock and John Lawson. It is situ- 
ated on a neck of land at the confluence of the Neuse and Trent 
Rivers. It is bounded on one side by the Neuse and on the other 
by the Trent, and on the back by Jack Smith Creek. The place 
was formerly called Chattawka from the Indians who lived there 
and who were in alliance with the Tuscaroras, with whom, in 
1715, they went to New York. 86 De Graffenried purchased it 
from King Taylor and changed the name to New Bern in honor 
of his and Mitchell 's birthplace. For the first year it seems that 
things went well with New Bern, other settlers besides the Swiss 
and Palatines, chiefly English, settled there and there was a de- 
cided step forward in prosperity. 87 The people of New Bern 

84 Fitch, p. 45. 

85 Winterbothan History of N. C, Vol. Ill, p. 199. 
36 North Carolina Booklet, Vol. I, p. 12. 

87 Ibid. 

64 James Sprunt Historical Publications 

received a severe blow by the Indian massacre of 1711, but re- 
covered. In 1714 De Graffenried mortgaged the land on which 
New Bern stands to Thomas Pollock for the sum of eight hun- 
dred pounds. Pollock willed it to his son Cullen. 88 As soon as 
De Graffenried mortgaged his land he left for England, leaving 
the colony in a bad condition. The colonists were sorry to see 
him leave but the town which he had founded did not languish 
under the new regime. Houses were built, streets were laid off 
and fields cleared, soon houses stretched from one river to the 

In 1723 New Bern was fixed as seat of Craven precinct and 
a bill passed the Assembly for the building of a court house 
there. In 1723 New Bern was incorporated as the third town 
in the province and was really the only town, since, as Dr. 
Hawks says, Bath was only a hamlet and Edenton was smaller 
than it. 

In 1729 New Bern remained the county seat. In 1736 the 
quit rents of both Craven and Carteret counties were paid at 
New Bern in gold or silver. S9 New Bern was the seat of all 
courts, the supreme court of Craven, Carteret, Johnston, Beau- 
fort and Hyde. The Court of Chancery was held in New Bern 
on the first Tuesday in December and June. This was started 
in 1736 by Governor Johnston. The courts of Oyer and Term- 
iner were held there also on the third Tuesday in April and 
October. It was there that the land office was kept open for 
three weeks so that the governor could listen to and settle land 

In a letter of Governor Johnston, dated 1763, he says, "But I 
hope we shall be more regular for the future, for in a recent 
Assembly held at Wilmington I have got a law passed for fixing 
the seat of government at New Bern, and a tax for a public 
building." 90 Before the passage of this bill the As- 
sembly and courts had been held at Edenton, near the 
border of Virginia, while the representatives were mostly from 
Cape Fear section. The governor attended several of the meet- 
ings but he could not force the majority of the council to leave 

89 G. B., Vol. IV, p. 186. 
m Ibid., 844. 

Carolina and Craven County or Precinct 65 

their business and plantations for three times a year and travel 
backward and forward twelve hundred miles when they had 
neither salary nor reward for so doing. This was the main 
reason why he got the law passed at Wilmington for fixing the 
General Assembly and courts at New Bern, the center of the 
province. The passage of this bill caused a disturbance in sev- 
eral places. 91 Bath, Wilmington, and Edenton all were jealous 
of New Bern. Each wanted to be the capital of the province. 

The Assembly met for the first time in New Bern in 1736 
and continued to meet there until about 1749. 

New Bern flourished while it was the capital, many rich mer- 
chants lived there. The best people of the province moved there. 
Trade increased and the town grew at a rapid rate. But as 
soon as the public business was carried away complaints were 
heard among its people which is shown by an extract from a 
letter by John Campbell to Richard Cogdell of New Bern dated 
1761. 92 

"The account of the dullness of your town and business in 
it I am sorry for, but the thinking people in it and about it 
must thank themselves who drove away the government officers. 
These people could not bear a little flow of money, but grew so 
proud and insolent. They will feel the reverse and now may 
reflect on themselves when too late." 

It is true that the people of New Bern did not take the in- 
terest they should have in preparing for the officers. Governor 
Johnston says in a letter dated December 28, 1748, "One mighty 
inconvenience we have to struggle with at present is that nobody 
cares to lay in provisions for man or horse at New Bern though 
it is the most fruitful and central part of the province, such 
pains are taken to assure the people that the seat of govern- 
ment will be removed, when they get five members restored, but 
no one cares for advancing money to entertain the public, so that 
in a fortnight or three weeks' time we are obliged to separate 
for want of the necessaries of life. Things would soon take an- 
other change if this point was determined." 93 The inhabitants 

C. R., Vol. IV, p. 1086. 
'Ibid., p. 844. 
O. B., Vol. 4, p. 1166. 

66 James Sprunt Historical Publications 

of New Bern did not realize what was the benefit of being the 
capital until it was removed, which took place between 1746 
and 1750. Between 1750 and 1762 the Assembly was held in 
no special town. When Dobbs became governor he appointed 
Tower Hill on the Neuse as capital in 1758. The people peti- 
tioned the king to make New Bern capital again because it was 
more central, better located and had better navigation facilities 
than Tower Hill. 94 Yet some people objected to having it for 
capital because of its hot climate and unhealthy atmosphere. 
Finally in 1766 New Bern was selected as the permanent capital 
of North Carolina and the palace was built there. 95 

The effects of the capital being moved there were immediately 
felt. In 1767 we have a report which says that trade was in- 
creasing rapidly. 90 In 1772, two years after the palace was 
completed, Tryon says, "New Bern is growing rapidly into sig- 
nificance in spite of the great natural difficulties of the naviga- 
tion leading to it, and its importance, I hope, will become greater 
as the spirit of improvement." 97 New Bern had a large trade, 
its harbor was always full of boats or vessels from Virginia, 
Bermuda and the West Indies and New England. It exported 
great quantities of tar, pitch, turpentine and other naval sup- 
plies direct to England, also large quantities of corn, beeswax, 
hams, and deerskins were shipped from New Bern. 98 New 
Bern was on a post road which began at Suffolk, Virginia, came 
down by Roanoke, Pamlico River, Bath, through New Bern on 
to South Carolina by New River, Wilmington and Brunswick. 
Thirty-eight miles of this route was in Mr. James Davis' charge 
for mails. For his service he received annually one hundred 
and six pounds, six shillings and eight pence. 

On August 15, 1769, a terrible storm struck New Bern. The 
banks of the rivers were washed down, warehouses were smashed 
open and their goods floated away. Some three persons were 
killed. One man, describing it to a friend, says: "New Bern 
is really now a spectacle, her streets full of the tops of houses, 

ai Ibid., Vol. 6, p. 875. 
95 Ibid., Vol. 7, p. 44. 
98 Ibid., p. 499. 
97 Ibid., Vol. 9, p. 281. 
98 Vass, p. 89. 

Carolina and Craven County or Precinct 67 

timbers, shingles, dry goods, barrels, and hogsheads, most of 
them empty rubbish, in so much you can hardly pass along, — a 
few days ago so nourishing." 99 Crops, cattle, sheep, hogs, were 
washed away and destroyed. There was no place on the coast 
that suffered like New Bern. One entire street was destroyed. 
The printing office of Mr. James Davis was destroyed with all 
the type, papers, and what money he had. New Bern was not 
able to pay the expenses of this storm for a while, but soon 
caught up and surpassed her former position. 

New Bern besides her commercial business had other busi- 
nesses, namely,- manufacturing. In 1772 Mr. Richard Graham 
set up a pot and pearlash factory which helped New Bern 
greatly. In 1775 New Bern had one of the only two rum distill- 
eries in North Carolina, it turned out annually two hundred 
hogsheads of rum, made from molasses. The other one was at 
"Wilmington and had a capacity of five hundreds hogsheads 
annually. 100 

New Bern was not only the largest town in the province, the 
seat of the government, the great commercial and manufacturing 
town, but also the seat of the best education, religion, and social 
circle of the province. 

In 1767 the New Bern Academy was chartered, which was 
in New Bern, and the first of its kind in the province. Also 
there were several private schools there. 

The social circle of New Bern was composed of 
the government officials, rich merchants and the wealthiest 
people of the province. 

The people of New Bern were as we shall see ready to rebel 
against unjust oppression. Here happened in 1765 the New 
Bern Stamp Act Riot. In 1775 the people seized the guns from 
the palace court. And in 1775 the first two provincial con- 
gresses were held there. New Bern indeed played a great part 
in the history of Craven county, of North Carolina, both before 
and after the War of Independence. 

99 C. R., Vol. VIII, p. 74. 
M0 O. R., Vol. VIII, pp. 1, 4. 

68 James Sprunt Historical Publications 


The first people of Craven County, as we have seen, were 
half wild northern hunters, as I have found the Blounts. These 
were as free as the country in which they lived. Brave, bold, 
and not to be oppressed were the qualities or characteristics of 
these early hunters and scattered families. They lived mostly 
on game from the forest and fish from the rivers. These were 
obtained with little effort and did not encourage thrift and 
activeness in the people. These were the only inhabitants until 
1707. except a few English who strayed across the Neuse after 

The first real colony that settled in Craven was the French 
Protestants, which in 1690 fled from France to Virginia because 
of religious persecution, thence to Craven, because of its wealth 
in soil, plants, game, and freedom. They brought their 
ministers with them. These French settlers were a religious, 
Cod-fearing, liberty-loving people. They were, as a whole, in- 
dustrious and thrifty. Lawson says that they were indeed a 
very industrious people, 101 soberly behaved, and having the 
advantages of education and being very bright. In 
general the women were the most industrious sex in that place, 
and saved money by mak in g their linens and woolens. The men 
were aided by nature to such an extent that they did not have 
to labor hard to provide for their families. 

The next, as we have seen, were the German Palatines, — a 
practical, smart, determined, and free people. Their object in 
coming was religious freedom and personal liberty. In com- 
pany with them were the Swiss, from the fatherland of democ- 
racy, a free country, a free people. Indeed, they were the most 
liberty-loving people of all the colonists. They were also re- 
ligious. God-fearing people. They, too, were an industrious, 
capable people. In the same year with the Swiss came the small 
groups of Welsh Quakers and settled in Craven. 

After 1710 the new colonists of Craven were English, except 
in 1732 another cluster of German immigrants landed in New 

M1 Lawson, p. 141. 

Carolina and Craven County or Precinct 69 

Bern. The English need no description by me, their character- 
istics being well known. 

Here in such a small extent of territory as colonial Craven 
county were four elements that, if mixed, would be the best 
mixture that could be made. They did mix, and they did make 
one of the most religious, liberty-loving people that have been 
found in the colonies, although each race produced its great 
men of Craven county in North Carolina. 

Bancroft says : ' ' North Carolina was settled by the freest 
of the free, bravest of the brave. The settlers were gentle in 
their tempers, of serene minds, enemies to violence and blood- 
shed." 102 "North Carolina was the most free and independent 
country ever organized by man. Freedom of conscience, ex- 
empted from taxes save by their own consent . . . these 
simple people were as free as the air of their country, and 
when oppressed, as rough as the billows of the ocean." 

The people of Craven county submitted to the laws of 
British rule so long as they were just, but as soon as their rights 
were stepped upon that spirit of freedom broke forth first in 
the Stamp Act Riot of 1765, and continued to show itself 
throughout the war, and still shows itself. 

The people of Craven county, as in the other sections of the 
province, were divided into three classes : First, the educated 
abroad before or after coming to America. Craven had more of 
this class than the other counties of Carolina because all the 
government offices were there. Second, were the men who had 
made fortunes in land or such. Craven had many of these, 
especially rich merchants and land-owners, and with that many 
slaves. We find from reading the wills that this class was pre- 
dominant in Craven. Third, the common people, farmers and 
so forth, Craven had her share of these. 103 

Life in Craven, as well as in the other eastern counties, was 
gay. The log houses of the first settlers by 1729 were mostly 
done away with and in their places were the frame and brick 
houses. These houses soon were well furnished, and silver 

102 Fitch p. 25. 

103 Hawks, II, p. 572. 

70 James Sprunt Historical Publications 

spoons and other such articles were often seen. The stables were 
full of horses for riding purposes. And nature furnished the 
eatables with no lax hand. Among the first and second class 
wealth abounded and was appreciated. But in all the classes 
hospitality was unbounded, and weddings and other social occa- 
sions were largely attended. New Bern was the residence of the 
higher class, who attended the splendid balls given by Tryon, 
and those, in return, given by the rich merchants. In fact, New 
Bern was the gayest, liveliest, and busiest town in the province. 
Imported wines, rum from the West Indies, and negro fiddlers 
added charms to the midnight revelry of all classes. The curled 
and powdered gentlemen and the ladies in their hoops were never 
so pleased as in walking a minuet or betting at a rubber of 
whist. Horse racing and fox chasing were in high favor as a 

The roads to Craven and other counties were very bad. There 
was a road from New Bern to Bath. Communication was bad, 
but the people from all the sections of the country overcame 
the difficulties and went to New Bern to see and take part in 
the balls given by Tryon. Craven county, after 1736, was the 
center of gaiety. Even though it seemed as if the people of 
Craven were given to too much revelry, they were not taken up 
so much with it that they did not flourish in wealth, number, and 
moral laws. 


We are not surprised in finding the people of eastern North 
Carolina, especially those of Craven county, revolting against 
oppression since they were people of such traits of character as 
we have seen in the previous chapter. In Craven one of the 
first actions against unjust taxation leaning towards force took 

Between 1735 and 1740, when Johnston was governor, Gran- 
ville's land agents were making trouble with the colonists, and 
lawful taxes were doubled many times. The currency was scarce, 
and gold and silver were hardly ever seen and not enough Eng- 
lish money to pay the taxes. Contentions frequently arose be- 

Carolina and Craven County or Precinct 71 

tween the rulers and the ruled. When Tryon came, although 
he was a good ruler in some respects, he made the burden of 
the colonists more grievous. In the year 1765 the British Par- 
liament passed the odious "Stamp Act," another source of ob- 
taining money from the colonists without their consent. This 
was more than the liberty-loving people of eastern North Caro- 
lina could bear. Meetings were held from one end of the prov- 
ince to the other, in which they expressed their indignation and 
declared that they would not submit to the law. 

The speaker in the Assembly told the governor that the law 
would be resisted to "blood and death." All this had to have 
a climax which was brought about by the citizens of Cape Fear 
combined with those of New Bern, under the lead of Colonel 
Ashe and Waddell, both of New Hanover. 

The Stamp Act was passed and was attempted to be enforced. 
Dr. William Houston was appointed stamp distributor of Caro- 
lina and he came to North Carolina as the guest of Governor 
Tryon. The people of New Hanover learned of his presence in 
Brunswick. Immediately a body of men under Ashe and Wad- 
dell marched to Brunswick. There they went to the house 
of Tryon, surrounded it, and demanded to speak with the stamp 
agent. Tryon at first refused to allow this. Preparations were 
made to set his house on fire and he realized that the people 
were in earnest and he invited Colonel Ashe or Waddell into 
his residence. He boldly entered and in a few minutes returned 
with the stamp distributor. Tryon was made a prisoner in his 
own home, while Houston was hurried to Wilmington, where he 
resigned as stamp agent and took an oath never to sell another 
stamp. This occurred on November 14, 1765. 104 The next day, 
November 15, 1765, the people of New Bern and its vicinity had 
became so enraged that encouraged by the actions of the 
Cape Fear people they gathered into a mob, while the 
Superior Court was being held they tried, condemned, hanged, 
and burned Dr. William Houston in effigy. A riot followed in 
which no great damage was done. This riot is known as the 

104 Fitch, p. 36. 

72 James Sprunt Historical Publications 

New Bern riot of 1765. Not only in Craven, but elsewhere was 
the same thing done. From an extract of a letter in C. R. Vol. 
VII, p. 125, we find: "We hear from the inhabitants of that 
place (New Bern) that they tried, condemned, hanged, and 
burned Dr. "William Houston in effigy, during the sitting of their 
Superior Court. . . . Also it happened in Wilmington . 
. . At Cross Creek 'tis said they hanged his effigy and Mc- 
Carter's together (who murdered his wife). Nor have they 
spared him in Duplin, his own county." 

In 1774 the Boston Port Bill was passed, which caused the 
port of Boston to be closed. Soon a cry for aid was sent out by 
the people of Boston. The people of New Bern and Craven county 
quickly responded. A great deal of provisions were collected 
from Craven and sent to Salem for the relief of Boston. On 
January 27, 1775, we find this notice in the Gazette : ' ' Public 
notice is hereby given that Mr. John Green and Mr. John Wright 
Stanley, merchants in New Bern, have agreed with and are 
appointed by the committee of Craven county to receive the 
subscriptions which are now or may hereafter be raised in the 
said county for the relief of the distressed inhabitants of Boston, 
and to ship the same to Salem as soon as the several subscriptions 
are received. 

"Proper stores are provided for by the said gentlemen for 
the reception of corn, peas, pork, and such articles as the sub- 
scribers may choose to pay their subscription in. 

"Those gentlemen, therefore, who have taken subscriptions 
either in money or effects, are desired to direct the same to be 
paid or delivered to the above Messrs. Green and Stanley on 
or before the middle of March next, and to send as soon as 
possible an account of the subscriptions to be taken and are 
taken by which they may be governed in receiving. — R. Cog- 
dell, Chairman." 105 

On August 26, 1774, the first provincial congress was held. 
At first it was planned to be held at Johnston Court House, but 
it was changed and held in New Bern at the above date. Craven 
had four members: Coor, Cogdell, Abner Nash, and Edwards. 

105 O. R., Vol. IX, p. xxxviii. 

Caeolina and Craven County or Precinct 73 

This Congress met in spite of the orders of Governor Martin 
forbidding such a meeting. 106 

On August 9, 1774, the Friends of American Liberty called 
a meeting of the people of Craven county at New Bern. In this 
meeting members for the provincial congress were elected. 107 

The second provincial congress was held on April 3, 1775, 
at New Bern. Craven was represented by James Coor, Lemuel 
Hatch, Jacob Blunt, William Bryan, Richard Cogdell, Jacob 
Leach. New Bern by Abner Nash and James Davis. At the 
third provincial congress held at Hillsboro August 20, 1775, 
Craven was represented by Coor, Bryan, Cogdell, Leach, Blunt, 
and Edmond Hatch, New Bern, by Nash, Davis, William Tisdale, 
and Richard Ellis. At the fourth one held at Halifax, April 4, 
1776, Craven was represented by the same men as at Hillsboro. 
New Bern only sent one, Abner Nash. In each of these con- 
gresses the representatives of Craven and New Bern took an 
active part. 

On May 23, 1775, right after the news of the battle of Lex- 
ington had reached New Bern, the commmittee of safety, which 
consisted of Dr. Alex Gaston, Richard Cogdell, John Easton, 
Major Croom, Roger Ormond, Edward Saltee, George Burrow, 
and James Glasgow, led by Cogdell, and backed up by 
the entire population of Craven county, waited upon 
the governor. Their mission was to ask him to remount the 
cannon that were in the town and at the palace. Martin had 
had them dismounted because he had heard that the committee 
was to sieze them as was done later. He prevaricated, however, 
as to his purpose, and seemingly satisfied the committee for the 
moment, but only for the moment as he well knew. 

Martin realized that the end had fully come ; he saw that with- 
out a man or a gun he was no longer a governor but was a pris- 
oner in his own palace under strictest surveillance, and that his 
only resort was immediate flight. Therefore he immediately 

1 Ibid. p. xxv. 
Ibid., p. 1041. 

74 James Sprunt Historical Publications 

shipped his family to New York and almost at the same time 
sought safety under the protection of the British boats in the 
Cape Fear. In less than four years from his coming as governor 
of the province he was a fugitive from his capitol. A capitol he 
would never see again. He was flying for his liberty if not for 
his life. Thus the people were the direct agents that brought 
about the end of the royal authority in North Carolina. 109 

108 Wheeler, Remiscences of North Carolina, p. 129. 

109 C. B., Vol. IX, p. xxxvi. 


The James Sprunt Historical Publications 


The North Carolina Historical Society 

VOL. 17 

Editors : 

No. 2 








The "Journal of a Tour to Xorth Carolina," written by William 
Attmore, of Philadelphia, was a cherished possession of his great- 
granddaughter, the late Miss Rebecca Attmore, of iSTew Bern, 
~N. C. She was a real "Belle of the Fifties," who in character and 
person reflected the charm of that classic type of Southern woman- 
hood that authors delight to picture. 

Thomas Attmore of Devonshire, England, Parish of Kentslean, 
born about 1692, who removed to America in 1713, was the 
grandfather of William Attmore, merchant of Philadelphia, of the 
firm of "Attmore & Kaigher." In the winter of 1787, William 
Attmore came to North Carolina to collect debts owing to his firm 
and to obtain new business. While on his tour he kept a diary, 
of which some parts have evidently been lost, but enough remains 
to form an interesting narrative. The handwriting of the original 
manuscript is clear and beautiful, and the ink as black as though 
it had been penned yesterday instead of over a century ago. Only 
the paper has become faded and torn by age. 

On this "tour," or a subsequent one, William Attmore met Miss 
Sallie Sitgreaves, the captivating daughter of Judge Sitgreaves 1 , to 
whom he was married March 18, 1790. He died in Philadelphia 
in 1800, and was buried there. 

The names of some of the descendants of William Attmore and 
Sallie Sitgreaves who have lived in North Carolina in more recent 
years are: 

1 The name of William Sitgreaves occurs among the signers of a memorial to the 
Lords Proprietors in 1755. (Col. Rec. vol. V p. 32). John Sitgreaves was one of 
his descendants and resided in New Bern; he was a lawyer of culture and high 
attainments. Wheeler's history says "he was appointed Lieutenant by the State 
Congress in 1776, in Captain Cassel's company. He was in the battle of Camden. 
August 1780, as aid to Governor Caswell. He was a member of the Continental 
Congress in 1784, and from 1787 to 1789 in the Legislature from New Bern. He 
was appointed U. S. District Judge of North Carolina by Washington. Jefferson's pri- 
vate journal has the following: — '1789. Hawkins recommended John Sitgreaves as 
a very clever gentleman, of good deportment, well skilled in the law for a man of 
his age, and should he live long enough, he will be an ornament to his profession. 
Spaight and Blount concurring, he was nominated.' He died at Halifax ih 1802 
where he lies buried." (Wheeler's Hist, p 119.) 

6 James Sprunt Historical Publications 

1. Hannah Taylor Attmore m. Wm. Hollister Oliver 185 — their 

children — 

a. George Attmore Oliver died unmarried 19 — ; 
&. Elizabeth Geteg Oliver m. Martin Stevenson Willard of Wil- 
mington, N. C. died leaving no children; 

c. Mary Taylor Oliver, New Bern, N. C. ; 

d. Hannah Attmore Oliver m. Benjamin Huske, Fayetteville; 

e. Martha Harvey Oliver m. Thomas Constable, Charlotte; 

2. Sitgreaves Attmore served in the Confederate States Army, was 

captured and imprisoned. He died from the harsh treatment 
he received; 

3. Isaac Taylor Attmore served in the Confederate States Army, 

and was killed in battle; 

4. Rebecca Christine Attmore never married, died 19 — ; 

5. Sallie Sitgreaves Attmore m. Robert Stewart Primrose; 
a. their son Dr. Robert S. Primrose, New Bern, N. C; 

6. George Sitgreaves Attmore m. Kate Lane, Bayboro, N. C; 
a. Hannah Oliver Attmore; 

&. George Sitgreaves Attmore; 
c. Taylor Bynum Attmore. 

Interesting family relics are two miniatures owned by Mrs. 
Thomas Constable; one represents the wife of Judge Sitgreaves, 
the other is a memorial of the Sitgreaves men who served in the 
Revolution. Mrs. Benjamin Huske owns a list or record, of lands 
held by the Attmore family in England dating from 1337, copied 
from the records in the Tower of London, and other quaint docu- 

The notes to the journal furnish other interesting data in re- 
gard to some of the persons and places mentioned. 

Lida T. Rodman. 
Washington, N. C. 

November, 1921. 


Tuesday, November 6, 1787. ABOUT 11 O'Clock AMI went 
onboard the Sloop Washington Packet, Captain Charles Kirby, 
Master, bound on a Voyage to Washington in North Carolina after 
being onboard a little while the boat being sent to the Shore I took 
that opportunity to land again, to get some further stores for the 
Voyage as yet omitted, and after waiting some time till about 
1 o'clock, our Captain came down, we rowed onboard and directly 
hoisted Sail, — Upon enquiry find our Company onboard to be as 

Charles Kibby, Captain; 

William Hest, Mate; 





James, Cook, — 


James Easton 
Benjamin Brown 
Peter Mackie, 
William Attmore, 
Sylvia Easton, a 

little Girl. 
Rose, a black Girl 

servant to Sylvia. 


No remarkable occurence happened this afternoon altho' I, like 
Don Quixote watching for adventures; unless I record that one 
of the Seamen lost his Cap while busy getting in the Anchor. 
This was a very fine day, the Wind being from North to North 
East, we had a pleasant Sail by Gloucester Point, League Island, 
Mud Island, Little and Big Tinicum Islands — we amused our- 
selves from time to time eating Beef and drinking Grog upon the 
Quarter Deck, chatting and playing — 

After dark we came to, below Chester; — When the Ebb began, 
our Pilot, Gilbert MCracken turned out, and got the Sloop under 
way till about four O'Clock in the Morning, by this time it became 
so foggy, it became dangerous to proceed, and therefore cast 

8 James Sprunt Historical Publications 

Anchor in 4 fathom Water; supposing ourselves a little above 
Christiana Creek. 

Wednesday, November 7. At 11 O'Clock A. M. the Fog cleared 
away, and. we found ourselves off Wilmington — At 12, the Ebb be- 
ginning we hove up Ancho'r and made Sail ; passed a Brig coming 
in, having hurricane houses on deck. — And a number Shallops 
and Boats. Came to, alongside the Wharff at Newcastle and re- 
ceived' onboard Mr. William Ford, a Passenger, with his Baggage. 
I went ashore and paid a visit to Thomas Kean Esqr Sheriff 
of New Castle County, drank a bottle of Wine with him at his 
house ; then he came onboard with me we sat down in the Cabbin 
where we treated him with such as we had — We got into good 
humour; when our Captain came down and let my visitor know 
that he was sorry to disturb him, but that we were then half a 
Mile from Newcastle — Mr. Kean went ashore in the Boat in Com- 
pany with Mr Mackie— We dropt about two Miles below New- 
castle, then let go Anchor — Here we lay all Night, there coming 
on a thick Fog in the Night which prevented our making Sail — 
We dismissed our pilot at Newcastle, Capt. Kirby undertaking to 
pilot the Sloop down the rest of the way. 

Thursday, November 8. As we lay at Anchor hailed a Sloop 
going by us, and finding they were from New York with Oysters, 
sent our boat onboard, and got 7 or 8 bushels at 2/9, per bushel — 
Mackie and Ford who went in the Boat with two Seamen, stopt at 
Newcastle, — They rowed down under Shore where Ford luckily 
found a Man who brought him a Message — They then returned 
onboard. — 

At half past 11, O'Clock got up Anchor, and hoisted Sail; but 
little Wind; hazy Weather, comes on again and some rain at half 
past Twelve — This forenoon the Brig e Charleston Packet, Capt. 
Strong passed us as we lay at Anchor — A Ship appears stretching 
up 4 or 5 Miles off, who must have passed us in the Fog this Morn- 
ing early. 

At 3 O'Clock in the Afternoon, being about half way between 
Reedy Point and Reedy Island about a mile from the Delaware 
Shore, the Ebb being strong, little wind since we weighed Anchor, 

Journal of a Tour to North Carolina 9 

having had Boat ahead towing since we got up Anchor — we found 
the Tide set us fast toward a Shoal or spit of Land lying off ; cast 
the Lead, and at the last throw by the Captain found hut 9 feet 
Water ; he immediately ordered to let go the Anchor ; this was 
done directly ; but force of the Tide was such, the Cable instantly 
parted, and we directly grounded on the Shoal, at about half Tide 
— a very little distance from our Anchor — After getting in Sails, 
our Seamen went in the Boat & weighed our Anchor by the Buoy 
Rope, with very little difficulty, and brought it onboard. Here we 
lay till about Sunrise next day, having got out another anchor. 

Friday, November 9. This Morning there being a light breeze 
to take us off the Shoal, we got up Anchor our Boat ahead to Tow ; 
we got over to the Channel — towards the Delaware Shore : and the 
Mood being strong and the Wind rather ahead came again to 
Anchor, waiting for the Tide to go down to the Piers — We all 
turn'd out this Morning about Sunrise, a very fine Morning — Vast 
flocks of Blackbirds in sight going from Reedy Island to the Main : 

About I O'Clock in the afterno'on we came to, at the Piers, and 
made fast to the outermost Pier without letting go an Anchor — 
After getting Dinner, the Captain, Easton, Brown, Mackie, Ford, 
and myself went ashore (the Captain resolving to wait for a Wind 
to go down the Bay in the Morning) we went up to the Town of 
Port Penn and amused ourselves 'till the Evening when we all 
came onboard. 

We found the Cabbin nearly cleaned up against our return by 
orders of the Mate — ■ 

The Piers of Reedy Island, as they are generally called, are not 
built at Reedy Island but on the shore of the Delaware opposite 
to the body of that Island, and consists of first a long Wharff join- 
ing to the Main, then of three square piers composed of Logs, and 
filled up with Stones and Dirt; sunk in a row, at nearly equal 
distances from each other opposite that long Wharff, leaving an 
interval or thoroughfare for the waste to pass betwixt them, 
about 70 or 80 feet wide between each pier or Wharff; the whole 
forming a kind of Mole or Jettee above 300 feet out into the 
River — The use of these Piers is to form a Harbour for Vessels 

10 James Spkunt Historical Publications 

against the dangers of the Ice in Winter, And it is found to answer 
the purpose very well; last Winter above 50 Sail found shelter 
there till the navigation was clear. 

I should have mentioned that on the north side of the other 
Piers at some distance another Pier is sunk to serve as a kind of 
outwork to the others in breaking the Force of the Ice coming 

Reedy Island is about 3 miles long and not above a quarter of a 
Mile wide — It has formerly been banked in, but at present is not 
in culture but overflowed in high Tides — 

About half a mile above the Piers, lies the Village of Port Penn, 
consisting of 30 or 40 Houses, it is on the River side and directly 
opposite the upper end of Reedy Island — The River is 6 Miles 
over. — 

After getting onboard, we spent the Evening very gaily — Mirth 
and festivity smiled around us — Every Man endeavor'd to con- 
tribute to the general pleasure — And every attempt in these cases 
is received with favour. 

Saturday, November 10. At about half past 12 O'Clock, we cast 
off from the Pier, and got down to Bombay Hook in the night — 
Let go Anchor — Then weigh'd about break of day and stood down 
the Bay; Many Vessels in sight — passed two Brigs & a Schooner 
that were coming up, — hailed the Schooner found her to be from 
Newbern, 15 days out, Capt. Hudson. — 

We overtook and passed a Copper bottom Schooner with a 
crowd of Canvas — One of our Seamen seeing her look so gay, 
gave her the name of the Macaw Schooner — 

Towards Dusk came to Anchor in the Bay about 20 Miles above 
the Light House ; the sky to the South and West looked very black 
and louring which gave us considerable apprehension of a severe 
Gale in the night ; — We let go our best Bower and prepared for it 
in the best manner we could. Our whole Company looked very 
blank and melancholy ; quite a contrast to the gaiety of last even- 
ing — The Wind pretty fresh. The Shoals in Delaware Bay are 
mark'd to Mariners by Beacons and Buoys — 

Journal of a Tour to North Carolina 11 

Sunday, November 11. Contrary to our expectations, we had no 
Gale last night, and got early under way, and passed down the Bay 
and out to Sea with a favourable Gale — About 9 O'Clock A M we 
passed the Light House at Cape Henlopen about 2 Miles distance 
— We stood out to Sea, South east, & then stood to the Southward, 
our Captain intending to keep near the Coast: When in mid 
Channel one can see both Capes, but cannot see from one Cape to 
the other if one is ashore there. — 

After getting a little past the Light House, I began to grow 
Sea Sick, with the usual symptoms, Mackie also sick, & likewise 
black Rose. The rest of our Company well. 

Monday, November 12. I still continue indisposed, and have 
eat but little, these two days — one's stomach nauseates solid food 
while Sea Sickness lasts — The Sea much smoother today than 
yesterday, The reflection of a blue Sky makes the Water appear of 
a greenish Colour. When there is a cloudy Sky the Water ap- 
pears of an azure or blue Colour. — 

Tuesday, November 13. Today we are nearly well — Mackie 
and I eat our allowance at Breakfast with a pretty good appetite. 
About 9 O'Clock, the Sea smooth and the Weather hazy we made 
the Land, supposed about 30 Miles to the southward of Cape 
Henry — We stood in within about half a Mile of the Shore, and 
Surff, 6 fathom Water. We have been trying this morning for 
some Fish, but had no success. We passed Currituck Inlet today — 
In the Evening we stood off shore, heaving about when within a 
quarter of a mile of the Shore — We saw 7 or 8 Craft standing up 
the Coast, we suppose them bound to Norfolk. 

Hailed two of them, — answer' d from New Inlet — It has been 
warm and pleasant today — Aired the Cabbin and Bed Clothes. — 

Wednesday, November 14- Rose at Sunrise — A very fine day — 
After some time standing in for the Land, find ourselves off Roan- 
oke Island and Inlet — But little Wind all the Morning — The Wind 
all day ahead, what we gain on one Tack, we nearly lose on an- 
other — Saw several Whales, and diverted ourselves with observing 
their Spouting and blowing — One passed our bows within Musquet 
Shot. Flocks of Gulls about us — Tried again for Fish, bottle 

12 James Sprunt Historical Publications 

with Tow Line and Deepsea, but cannot catch one, We are now 
about 40 Miles from Cape Hatteras which we wish to get round, 
but this contrary Wind baffles us — In the Afternoon the Wind 
freshens on us, but still ahead — 

Thursday, November 15. About 3 O'Clock in the Morning came 
on a Squall and rough Sea, which lasted till about 9 O'Clock; in 
the Morning — I am again Sick — Wind still ahead — Find by obser- 
vation at noon that we have gained but 11 Miles southing in 24 
Hours past — 

Friday, November 16. Wind still ahead, — A very brisk Wind 
and rough Sea today — Spoke a Sloop bound from New York to 
Edenton. — A brig in sight. A Whale & Sword Fish pass us. I 
am again sick from the rough Sea — In the evening came on rain — 
And fell calm ; our Vessel rolled and pitched very much — The Cap- 
tain and people being on deck about 8 or 9 O'Clock, the night dark, 
in hoisting the Boom from the Larboard to the Starboard crutch, 
the Boom swinging over crushed the head of one of the Seamen, 
John , between it and the Starboard crutch in a shocking 

manner ; the poor Man fell on the Deck, and afterwards bled from 
his Mouth Nose and Ears many Quarts — They got him down into 
the Cabbin and laid a Sail for a Bed, We expected him to die in 
a little while — We spent the night very disagreeably — His Groans 
and the bad situation in which he was distressed us much. 

Saturday, November 17. Soon after we got something composed, 
about 12 last night, the Wind came round to the Northward, and 
blew violently, with a high Sea, We stood off the Land and After- 
wards laid to, under a reef'd Mainsail-till the Morning, then stood 
on our way, and went at a great rate, Passed Cape Hatteras 
Shoals, — After getting round the Cape, stood in for Land, and 
hoisted a Signal for a Pilot, one came onboard who took charge 
of us till we passed over Ocracoke Bar and came to Anchor at the 
upper Anchorage, about one O'Clock here we found lying a Brig, 
a Schooner and 3 Sloops — Got dinner; After 3 O'Clock stood on, 
crossed a Shoal or Bar across the Channel called the Swash, lying 
6 Miles or thereabouts from Ocracoke Bar, — 

Journal of a Tour to North Carolina. 13 

On the Bar is 14 feet water, at low tide— On the Swash is 8 

feet at low tide ; the Tide rises on these Shoals but about feet 

on the Bar, and about inches on the Swash. 

The Inlet opens into a great Bay called Pamlico Sound, that re- 
ceives into it many Kivers on different sides, We crossed it about 
40 Miles, partly in the Night, the Moon shining bright to the 
mouth of Tar River, Went up that River in the night till we came 
off Bath Creek Mouth about 2 miles from a place call'd Bath Town 
which lies up the Creek; then let go Anchor till Sunrise, being 
about 24 Miles up the River — 

Sunday, November 18. Hoisted out our Boat and set Mr. 
Brown on shore near the point, then stood on, up the River 16 
Miles further, to Washington; where we arrived about 1 O'Clock 
— Here a number of Gentlemen came onboard us — Went with 
David Shoemaker and paid a short visit at his house, returned on- 
board and dined. — Towards evening took a walk to Mr. Nuttle's, 
where was Mr. & Mrs. Shoemaker, and Capt. Eldredge; drank Tea 
there. Mr. Mackie and I return'd and slept onboard. 

Monday, November 19. Muster Day in Washington, which 
brought a large number of people from the Country — 

Mr. Richard Blackledge, 2 came to town. — I dined at David 
Jones's in Company with Kirby, Mackie, & Whitall. — Drank Tea 
with Rachel Shoemaker — Many disorders in town, the Militia 
some of them fighting. This is the practise every Musterday. 
Mr. Knight a Criminal who had escaped from Philadelphia was 

2 Riehard Blackledge and his brother Thomas Blackledge were natives of New 
Bern both of whom lived in Washington for a few years. Richard Blackledge was 
one of the first commissioners of the town of Washington, a lawyer of brilliant 
ability ; he represented Beaufort county several terms in the Legislature. He mar- 
ried Louisa Blount, daughter of Colonel Jacob Blount, and Sister of John Gray 
Blount. After their marriage they lived in Tarborough. Prior to the ceremony, 
a marriage settlement was made by which her property, consisting of a house and 
two lots in that town with twenty or more negro slaves, were conveyed to 
her brother, Gov. William Blount in case of her death without children. The docu- 
ment is signed by Judge Samuel Spencer ; it is written on parchment in good preser- 
vation and bears the stamp forced upon us by England. It reads "2 lots, or pieces 
of land, in the Town of Tarborough situated on Saint George and Saint Andrew and 
Granville Sts., and known in the plan of the town as numbers 104 and 105." In 
the history of Edgecombe count)' by Turner and Bridgers (page 107) this house is 
described as the place where George Washington, on his visit to the State in 1791, 
was cordially entertained "at the beautiful residence overlooking Tar River, be- 
longing at the time to Major Reading Blount." The career of Richard Blackledge 
was cut off by his addiction to the drink habit. His wife only lived a short time 
after her marriage and left no children. The house situated near the river was still 
standing a few years ago, but in a very dilapidated condition. (Reference also to 
Dec. 21st) 

14 James Sprunt Historical Publications 

taken up, alongside our Vessel & Capt. Eldredge's; he was put in 
irons and sent to Goal. I slept onboard. 

Tuesday, November 20. Mr. Blackledge waited on me, and kind- 
ly invited me to fix my residence with him and his brother Thomas, 
that I should have a Room for myself, and he wou'd furnish me a 
Horse &c. to be at my command during my stay in North Caro- 
lina. — I had engaged quarters at Horn's Tavern, but now con- 
clude to accept Blackledge's offer. — I Breakfasted onboard — Black- 
lege called down at the Vessel about dinner time, when we walk'd 
to the House, where he then introduced me to his brother Thos. 
& to his brother's wife, Polly Blackledge 3 . There were two young 
ladies dined with us, Miss Sally Salter, sister of Mrs. T. Black- 
ledge, and Miss Armstrong, two agreeable looking young 

ladies, but rather silent today. My Chest &c. was sent up in the 
Evening — "Wrote home to J. K. and fm. F. — near Tarborough. 
Bain at night — - 

Wednesday, November 21. After Breakfast, set off from Wash- 
ington for ISTewbern in Company with R. Blackledge, B. Brown, 
Capt. Keais 4 , Jno. G. Blount 5 , Doctor Loomis & Charles Cooke, all 
on Horseback, we crossed Tar River in a Scow — rode a Mile or 
two, then Blackledge pushed on before us, in order to get to ISTew- 
bern early — The rest of us rode about 22% Miles, where we 
cross'd Swift's Creek, on a bridge, this is a branch of Neuse River. 

We dined at Johnson's near the Creek, about 22 Miles from 
Washington. Rode to Curti's Tavern 7% Miles further; here we 
staid all night — Went to bed early, being a good deal tired. — 

3 Mrs. Polly Blackledee, the wife of Mr. Thomas Blackledge, was a daughter of 
Col. Salter. Their residence in Washington was of short duration. They are sur- 
vived by a number of descendants mostly residents of New Bern. 

4 Capt. Nathan Keais, a native of Rhode Island where he commanded a com- 
pany of State troops during the Revolution. He is put down also, as one of 
the Captains of the Second Regiment North Carolina troops. He and his wife, 
Barbara, are buried in the churchyard surrounding St. Peter's Church, Washington. 
Their descendants are represented in the Hoyt and Tayloe families. 

'John Gray Blount is said to have been the most influential man in Beaufort 
county in his day. He was a merchant of large enterprise and a patriot of tt^e 
Revolution. He and his wife, Mary Harvey, daughter of Col. Miles Harvey of 
Perquimans, are buried in the churchyard of St. Peter's Church, Washington. They 
left many descendants represented in the Blount, Rodman, Myers, Branch, J. G. B. 
Grimes and Cowper families. 

Journal of a Tour to North Carolina 15 

Thursday, November 22. At Curti's we met General Armstrong" 
to whom I was introduced by Mr. Blount — After breakfast we led 
our Horses to the River Neuse, at this place about 200 yards over, 
here ferried over in a Scow, and rode on 10 Miles further, to New- 
bern — first crossing Batchelor's Creek on a Bridge, 3 Miles from 

Went in Company with Blount and Brown, to Pendleton's Tav- 
ern — There I dined paid several Visits, Saw John Green, John 
Kennedy & Nathan Smith drank Tea at. Nathan Smith's — At Mr. 
Green's I saw the pretty Miss Cogdell 7 , whom Mr. Green intro- 
duced to me — When the Tea Tackle began to rattle, I was sorry I 
had previously declared an engagement at Smith's — And was 
therefore obliged to move — Mr. Green waited on me to Smith's, 
and then to my Quarters. — 

Friday, November 23. Breakfasted at Pendleton's — In the fore- 
noon there was a Horse Race five Horses started for the Purse 
which was won by a Horse called Sweeper — Went to Dine with 
John Green, by invitation ; there was Miss Cogdell, Misses Wright 

Stanly, Mr. Doiley, & Mr Green, (John's brother) — Towards 

evening took a walk with John Green to see the palace. 

The palace is a building erected by the province before the 
Revolution — It is a large and elegant brick Edifice two Stories 
high ; with two Wings for the offices, somewhat advanced in front 
towards the Road, these are also two Stories high but lower in 
height than the main Building, these Wings are connected with 
the principal Building by a circular arcade reaching from each of 
the front Corners to the corner of the Wing — The palace is sit- 
uated with one front to the River Trent and near the Bank, and 
commands a pleasing view of the Water— It was finished within, 
in a very elegant manner. The grand Staircase lighted from the 
Sky by a low Dome, which being glazed kept out the Weather — 

e General Armstrong was a member of the Pitt county committee of safety, and one 
of those named to solicit donations for the relief of the people of Boston. He was 
elected Major of Pitt county militia in 1775; was in active service near Philadel- 
phia, and promoted to Colonel in 1777; elected Brigadier General in 1786. and 
member of Payetteville Convention 1789. His home was on the south side of Tar 
River in the neighborhood of the Salter and Grimes plantations. His name has 
disappeared from Pitt county, and most of his descendants have moved farther south. 

7 (Hist. Pitt Co., by Henry King) "The pretty Miss Cogdell," was the daughter 
of Richard Cogdell and mother of Hon. George E. Badger, Judge of the Superior 
Court, and Secretary of the Navy in 1841. 

16 James Sprunt Historical Publications 

This House was formerly the residence of the Governors of this 
Country, as well as the place where the Legislature sat, to trans- 
act their business — It is somewhat out of repair at present, and the 
Legislature, not meeting at this time in ISTewbern, the only use now 
made of it is, the Town's people use one of the Halls for a Danc- 
ing Room & One of the other Rooms is used for a School Room. 
The only inhabitants we found about it were the Schoolmaster and 
one little boy in the palace, school being out. And in the Stables 
2 or 3 Horses who had taken Shelter there from the bleakness of 
the Wind. The King of G. Britain's Arms, are still suffered to 
appear in a pediment at the front of the Building; which con- 
sidering the independent spirit of the people averse to every ves- 
tige of Royalty appears Something strange — 

We returned to Mr. Green's, where I drank Tea with the ladies. 
Miss Cogdell's Sister called in the evening; And two Gentlemen 
came in — I was introduced to Mrs. Stanly — And accompanied the 
Ladies with several Gentlemen, as far as my way went where I 
bid them Adieu for the evening. 

One instance of the vicissitudes of human affairs; is exhibited 
in the situation of things at the palace, which from being the seat 
of a little Court, under the regal Government ; is now become the 
seat of a petty Schoolmaster with his little subjects, another in- 
stance occurs in the person of Mr. Jno. W. Stanly 8 , the husband 
of Mrs. Stanly already mentioned ; this Man of whom the first 
knowledge I had, was, his being confined a prisoner in the Goal 
of Philadelphia for debt, upon his liberation removed to this 
Country, where by a Series of fortunate events in Trade during 
the War he acquired a great property, and has built a house in 
JSTewbern where he resides, that is truly elegant and convenient; 
at an expense of near 20,000 Dollars — He has a large Wharff and 

8 John Stanly often a member of the Legislature from Craven, and a member of 
Congress from 1801 to 1809. He became engaged in a political controversy with 
Governor Richard Dobbs Spaight in 1802 which unfortunately terminated in a duel 
in which Governor Spaight received his death wound. 

The beautiful house built by Mr. Stanly at such a large expenditure, for that day, 
is still standing, and is an ornament to the town of New Bern. It is described as 
"the house in which George Washington was entertained in 1791. And, where Mr. 
Stanly gave hospitable welcome to Gen. Nathanael Greene, and made a loan to him 
of fortv thousand pounds for the necessities of his suffering soldiers of the Revo- 
lution." It is now owned by Hon. James A. Bryan, who served as a captain in the 
Confederate Army. 

Journal of a Tour to North Carolina 17 

Distillery near his house; upon JSTeuse River side of the Town — 
and a fine plantation with sixty Slaves thereon. — 

One circumstance deserves to be recorded to his honour — Altho' 
brought to Philadelphia from Honduras a Prisoner arbitrarily; 
and on his arrival sent to Goal by the person who brought him by 
force yet upon his getting into affluent circumstances, he gener- 
ously relieved the pecuniary distresses of that very person after- 
wards ; the more meritorious, as upon a settlement of Accounts 
with that Man, it was found that he owed him nothing, but on 
the contrary that person was in his Debt — Mr. Wright Stanly 
brother to John invited me to spend a Week with him at a Farm 
about 13 Miles from Newbern, where he promises me the diversion 
of Deer Hunting and driving. 

Saturday, November 2Jf. Paces again today, four Horses 
started; a mistake happen'd, the Horses being nearly abreast some 
of the people halloed, "set off," "go," &c. which the riders sup- 
posed to be Orders from the proper judges; they set off, and run 
the course with great eagerness, the blunder created some anger 
and a good deal of Mirth. The Riders were young Negroes of 
13 or 14 years old who generally rode bareback. — 

I have attended the Races yesterday and today rather from 
motives of curiosity than any love to this Amusement, and think 
I shall hardly be prevailed on to go ten Steps in future to see any 
Horse Race — The objections and inconveniences attending this 
kind of Amusement, obvious to me, are, 

1st. Large numbers of people are drawn from their business, oc- 
cupations and labour, which is a real loss to their families 
and the State. 
2d. By wagering and betting; much quarreling wrangling, Anger, 
Swearing & drinking is created and takes place, I saw it on 
the present occasion prevalent from the highest to the lowest 
— I saw white Boys, and Negroes eagerly betting 1/ 2 / a 
quart of Rum, a drink of Grog &c, as well as Gentlemen bet- 
ting high — 

18 James Sprunt Historical Publications 

3d. Many accidents happen on these occasions — 

One of the Riders a Negroe boy, who rid one of the Horses 
yesterday, was, while at full speed thrown from his Horse, by a 
Cow being in the Road and the Horse driving against her in the 
hurry of the Race — The poor Lad was badly hurt in the Head 
and bled much — 

The second day, one of the Horses at starting, run violently 
amongst the people that sat in a place of apparent security, it 
was precisely the spot where I thought there was the greatest 
safety, for foot people — More might be added. 

I went to the Court House to see the proceedings there at the 
Superior Court — An Argument about bringing on the cause of the 
Heirs of Samuel Cornell 9 against those who had bo* property once 
his but confiscated by the Government — Saw H. Harris he kindly 
offers me an introduction to Ladies of his acquaintance in and 
about ISTewbern — 

Sunday, November 25. This morning Mr. John Green called 
at my quarters, he asked if I had a mind to go to Church ; I hav- 
ing no inclination to go, he left me at Church time. 

It is the custom here With some, if they can afford it, when a 
burial happens in their families, to give the Minister and bearers 
white scarffs and Bands the Scarff is composed of about 3 yards 
& a half of white linen and hangs from the right shoulder & is 
gathered in a knot below the left Arm, with a Rose and Ribbands, 
also white; from the knot the two ends or tags hang down; the 
Band for the Hat is of white linen also, about 1% yards or some- 
times that quantity will make two Bands if split down the mid- 
dle — This is tied round the Crown of the Hat & the two ends 
streaming down — 

The Sunday after the Funeral, the bearers assemble somewhere, 
with these decorations to their persons and go in a body into 
Church, where the Minister dress'd in the like manner receives at 
the door. 

9 Samuel Cornell a distinguished Tory; it has been stated that his family was con- 
nected with that of Daniei Webster. 

Journal of a Tour to jSTorth Carolina 19 

This custom I had the opportunity to observe today, there hav- 
ing been a funeral last Week, the bearers assembled at the Tavern 
where I stay, opposite the Church, in order to go into Church 
together. The Linen is of a convenient quantity to make a shirt 
after ceremonies are over. 

I went to dine with Nathan Smith, by invitation : the Company 
consisted of himself and Sister, and eight Gentlemen Guests ; Col. 
Davie 10 , Messrs. Tomlinson, Haines, Grainger, Carty &c. — It is use- 
ful & entertaining in a Company of Strangers, after the first Salu- 
tations and civilities are passed to be rather silent, and observe 
the Characters of the Company, opening by degrees in the course 
of conversation, one also hears many anecdotes of other persons 
who are sometimes handled freely, in their absence ; and one hears 
many particulars useful or curious. — 

Col. Davie produced a curious Tobacco Pouch, made of a young 
Mink Skin, the size of a little Cat, it was dress'd with the hair, 
Feet and Claws and Tail on, and when thrown on the Table with 
a bellyfull of Tobacco look'd like a little dead black Cat. 

Mr. Grainger mentioned a Method of discovering wild Bees in 
the Woods — Fix a piece of Honeysuckle on a forked, Pole, which is 
to be set upright, a Bee comes, loads himself, and flies directly 
towards his home, follow him with all dispatch, as far the eye 
can reach him, then move the Pole forward so far; the Bee or 
some other, comes again, follow on still, which by degrees leads to 
the Tree where the Bees are with their Store of Wax and Honey — 

In the evening returned to my quarters, where I found Arm- 
strong, and Capt. , other Gentlemen came in. 

Monday, Nove?nber 26. Today, was tried in the Superior 
Court, the Claim of the Heirs of Samuel Cornell Esqr. for the 
property that belonged to him in North Carolina ; he having gone 
away in the early part of the War the property being consider'd 
as confiscated was sold by the Agents of the State — Judgment was 
given against the Heirs — The Judge & Lawyers in this Country 
dress in black Robes & white Tunics like parsons. 

10 Colonel Davie here mentioned was the well-known and distinguished soldier of 
the Revelation, William Ri.kardson Davie. 

20 James Sprunt Historical Publications 

Tuesday, November 27. Nothing worth remarking. — 

Wednesday, November 28. Breakfasted with John Green — 
About 11 O'Clock Capt. John Jones & the older Mrs. Blackledge 
arrived in Gurling's Sloop from Philadelphia. — six day's passage. 

About noon met Mr. John Stanly in Church Street, he told me 
he was going to look for me to give me an invitation to dine to- 
morrow at his house. 

I gave him to understand that I expected to leave Newbern to- 
wards Evening this day — He then ask'd me to go to his house & 
take a Glass of Wine — We had a variety of Chat — Engaged to 
dine with him tomorrow if I don't leave town — Went to see Capt. 
Jones at Jno. Green's was introduced to his Mother-in-law. In 
the Evening he & Mr. Green called at my quarters, where I gave 
them punch— Saw 1ST. Smith today at his Store — I am to expect 
trouble, I see, in settling with him. It. Blackledge set off for 
Tarborough early this Morning. H. Harris and I had a long 
conversation in the Afternoon at my quarters, this & an appear- 
ance of rain prevents my setting out for Washington. — 

Thursday, November 29. Went at two O'Clock to Mr. John W. 
Stanly's to dine, he had also invited Judge Spencer 11 , and Mr. 
Iredell 12 an eminent Lawyer, Mr. Thomas Turner, Mr. William 
Shepard 13 and Mr. Bryan were there. The Ladies present were 
Mrs. John W. Stanly, Mrs. Wright Stanly and Mrs. Green, the 
widow of Mr. James Green — The Court holding late kept us wait- 
ing for the Judge & Lawyers. I had a long tete a tete Conversa- 
tion with Mr. John W. Stanly before Dinner ; about half past four 
the Judge and Mrs. Iredell came, then we sat down to Dinner. 
Had a long discourse with Judge Spencer on the subject of Paper 
Money & c. I do not like his ideas, he contends that the Country 

lx Judge Samuel Spencer of Anson county held many offices under the Colonial 
government, and was one of the three Judges of the Superior Courts first elected 
under the constitution in 1777. 

12 Mr. Iredell emigrated, to Chowan county from England when 17 years old. He 
studied law under Gov. Samuel Johnston and married his sister, Hannah. He be- 
came a very distinguished citizen of North Carolina. He held office successively as 
member of the Assembly, Judge of the Superior Court, Attorney General of the State 
and, later, was appointed by George Washington Associate Justice of the Supreme 
Court of the United States. In the presidential election of 1796 he received three 
electoral votes. 

"William Shepard of New Bern was the father of Honorables Chas. B.; William 
B.; and James B. Shepard; and of Mary, the wife of Hon. John H. Bryan 
of Raleigh. 

Journal of a Tour to North Carolina 21 

cannot do without a Paper Medium, and that the value of this 
medium shall be regulated , from time to time by a Scale of value 
or depreciation. I am afraid the Ladies were ill entertained 
while they staid with us. — We dropt the subject on going into the 
Tea Room, where more general topics took place — A while after 
Tea, I took my leave and retired to my Quarters — 

Friday, November 30. I staid in INTewbern till about 3 O'Clock 
in the Afternoon, then set off alone, for "Washington — Coming out 
of Town I heedlessly miss'd my way, and rode about two Miles 
before I was sensible of my being wrong — Had I only thrown the 
reins on the Horse's Neck he wou'd probably have gone right, as 
he knew the way home to Washington better than I, and it is also 
probable that he had not such a variety of ideas to embarrass his 
mind. — The Road from ISTewbern to Washington is thro' a Tract 
of Country mostly a flat and level body of Land, the Soil a whitish 
Sand, the timber is mostly Pines; in some places the Pines mixt 
with a few Oaks; in one place the Road goes a short distance 
thro' a Swamp of large Cypress Trees, and small canes, with 
which are intermingled a variety of Shrubs and Vines growing out 
of the water. — The Road is partly cover'd with the dead spines 
or leaves of the Pines, of a rust colour — Abundance of the Trees, 
more particularly the Oaks, have large quantities of a long silver 
grey colour Moss hanging from the branches, it grows often 3, 4 
or 5 feet long and looks like Streamers hanging from the boughs — 
This Moss is good food for Cattle, who are generally very fond of 
it — In the Winter when Fodder is short the people cut down the U 
Trees cover'd with it for the Cattle to browse. — About dark I 
arrived at Neuse River, where giving one or two halloes that made 
the Woods echo, the Ferryman on the other side heard and 
answr'd me — Then came over in the Ferry Scow and took me 
across to the Ferry House a little distance from the River, where 
Mrs. Curtis gave me hospitable entertainment, — There is a long 
Causeway to pass on the South side of Neuse River very bad in 
wet Seasons — 

Saturday, December 1. After Breakfast I set out alone for 
Washington, after riding a Mile or two, looking down upon the 

22 James Sprunt Historical Publications 

Road I thought there lay in the path a fine large Orange, which in 
a moment I concluded had dropt from the pocket of somebody 
who had been down to INTewbern, & was carrying it home ; perhaps 
it might be for a present for his Sweetheart — I found it however 
to be only a i Gourd or Squash in colour & shape like an Orange 
and is very common in this Country. 

A few miles further on, I saw two beautiful Woodpeckers with 
varigated plumage and red towering Crests — Their Note was a 
repetition in a shrill sound of the word PEAP. They were much 
larger than any I ever saw in Pennsylvania. 

Sunday & Monday, December 2 & 3. Staid at T. Blackledge's — 
Several Visitors there — During my absence at Newbern, a quarrel 
has taken place between Kirby/and Ford — Wrote to J. K. inclos- 
ing R. Blackledge's Papers, Sunday. Ford fined 20 pounds for 
Assaulting Kirby, and bound to good behaviour. — 

In the evening I went and took Tea at Mrs. Shoemaker's by 
invitation. Mrs. Nuttle came in, I waited on her home, She in- 
vites me to Visit. — At Mr. Blackledge's today was introduced to 
Messrs. Grimes 14 , father and son. — Miss Betsy Grimes & Miss Polly 
Watkins came and staid at Mr. Blackledge's — 

Wednesday, December 5. It was so warm & pleasant today we 
sat with open Windows. Staid at T. Blackledge's — Miss Salter, 
Miss Grimes, Miss Watkins, two Miss Eastwood's there — cloudy 
and some Rain. — Capt. John Wallace 15 gave us a good deal of his 
Company today. 

Thursday, December 6. A Cloudy and rainy Day, staid at 
home; spent the day Writing, Reading and Chatting — I think 
it observable that our Language is more and more sliding into 
modes of expression allusive and allegorical, approximating to 
the eastern stile — Professional Men, Lawyers, Seamen, Soldiers 

14 Messrs. Grimes, father and son, were Demsie Grimes and his son the 
first Bryan Grimes. Demsie Grimes was a wealthy and leading citizen of Pitt 
county ; he owned Avon and Grimesland plantations on the South side of Tar 
River, about twelve miles from Washington. Bryan Grimes was the father of the 
late distinguished General Bryan Grimes of the Confederate Army; and of the 
late Mr. William Grimes a highly valued citizen of Raleigh. 

"Miss Betsy Grimes" mentioned further on was the daughter of Demsie Grimes 
and married Reading Grist. She was the ancestress of the Grist family of Beaufort 
county. She is buried in the Grimes burial plot at Avon where repose the remains 
of three generations of her family. 

16 Capt. John Wallace, a citizen of Beaufort county for many years prominent in 
the seafaring trade and other industries. He was distinguished for energy and ac- 
tivity in business, the late Capt. Alf Styron of Washington was one of his descendants. 

Journal of a Tour to North Carolina 23 

&c. introduce many phrases into common Language, at first per- 
haps ludicrously, which by degrees obtain a currency, and are 
applied to the business of common life, the Soldier desires you 
to parade yourself and take a walk with him, he tells you that 
he visited at such a place, and staid till they began to parade 
Dinner, then he March' d off, the Sailor finds you lying down, he 
enquires "What's the matter that you are lying "on your Beam 
ends* and tells you to "Get up, or Ben "will get to Windward 
of you for he is eating all the Pie." I am persuaded that many 
terms introduced in this way ludicrously are adopted at last as 
classical — It sounds strange to my ear, to hear the people in 
Carolina, instead of the word carry or carried commonly say, 
toat, or toated — I asked a boy what made his head so flat he 
replied "It was occasioned by toating Water. This is the usual 
phrase — I am told the Joiner charges in his bill for "toating 
the Coffin home" after it is finished. 

Friday, December 7. Captain John Wallace informs me, that 
in one of his Voyages at Sea, in Latitude 23% North, they caught 
a Shark about ten feet long, in whose Maw was 2 Hats & 1 Milled 
Cap ; this he declares to me, that he saw with his own eyes. — 
Tho' many things are related of the dangers from Sharks, yet 
I have not known, nor ever heard credibly attested, that a Shark 
has ever bit or injured a living Man on the Coast of the United 
States — Thousands of Men in the Summer Season, are in the 
Water, Bathing, Fishing &c. upon our Coasts — 

Miss Watkins & Miss Grimes left us today — In the Afternoon 
I was introduced to Mrs. Jno. Blount, by Mrs. Blackledge. — The 
Weather clears in the Afternoon — 

Mr. Blount; Mrs. Blount; Mr. Arnett, a Lawyer; Capt, Wal- 
lace and Miss Sally Salter drank Tea with us. — A party agreed 
for Deer Hunting tomorrow. — 

Saturday, December 8. 

To drive the Deer with voice and hpund, 
This Morn we took our way, 


No stricken Buck hath cause to rue, 
The Hunting of the Day. — 

24 James Sprunt Historical Publications 

A Frosty Morning, When the day grew warm the Dew Drops 
hung at the end of the leaves, like Diamonds quivering in the 
Sun beams — 

About 9 O'Clock, a party of us, embark'd to cross Tar River 
to go on a Deer Hunt, the Company were, Capt. Dill, Messrs. 
Thos. Blackledge; Nuttle; Whipple, Bonner, Capt. John Wal- 
lace ; and myself, we row'd in Dill's boat by two Sailors ; John 
Blount Esqr. was to cross over in a Canoe and meet us, over 
the River at his Farm 10 near which we were to hunt this Morn- 
ing — The method of hunting is generally as follows, 

One part of the Company go into the Wood with the Hounds 
and usually carry their Guns along, here they begin to trail for 
the Deer Tracks, and put the Dogs on the Scent, the other part 
of the Company are station'd in different places where it is known 
that the Deer usually cross the Forest towards the River, for a 
hunted Deer when hard push'd by the Dogs and Hunters generally 
makes for the Water where they can swim with great strength 
and swiftness, — A party is station'd in a Canoe or Boat to pur- 
sue him, if he takes the Water, — If he takes the River They must 
seize him by the Tail and lift him by it and drown him. — All 
this we tried but without getting a Deer — I was station'd at a 
Neck of Land that joins a small peninsula to the Main and was 
known to be a good place for the reception of a herd running down 
I stood at my 'Post for about two hours with the vigilance of a 
Sentinel looking for an enemy with 7 small bullets in my Gun, 
to pepper him well, but no Buck came near me ; one of our 
party shot at a Doe a considerable distance from him, but with- 
out effect, she got away — While I stood at my Post five Hounds 
pass'd me within 30 Yards, and shortly open'd their Music, soon 
after, I heard a most dreadful squealing of Pigs, I was after- 
wards told that a party of the Neighbors were out hunting Wild 
Hogs; when the dogs seize them, the Men come up, tie the feet 
of the Hog taken, and leave him on the spot for the present, 

16 One of the historic spots near Washington. It was devised by the will of 
John Gray Blount to his grandson, William Blount Rodman, and became known 
as "Rodman's Quarters." It was occupied by both Federals and Confederates 
during the Civil War as a fort, from which point of vantage each at different 
times shelled the Town in efforts to dislodge the other. It is now owned in part 
by Mr. Ott Rumley. 


then halloe the dogs after the rest of the herd. — Returning from 
the Hunt we saw a ISTegroe in only his shirt bringing a horse 
from the fields, he shook with cold. We returned to "Washington 
in the Afternoon. 

Sunday, December 9. Thos. Blackledge being about to remove 
from Washington, I yesterday evening moved my effects to Geo. 
Horn's, where I have engaged to Board, to pay 6/ Paper Money 
per day ; if absent three days to be allowed the time — Dined there 
today for the first time — In the afternoon went with Doctor 
Loomis & others to the funeral of John Bonner 17 , about a Mile 
in the Country ; when we arrived at the house, we found it crowded 
with a mixt Company of Men and Women, sitting & standing 
round the Corpse, which was nailed up in a Coffin and cever'd 
with a Sheet, Parson Blount 18 was standing with a Tea Table be- 
fore him, to hold his Books, and an Arm Chair for him to sit 
down if he chose it — He went thro' a long service from the Lit- 
urgy of the Church of England Prayers, Creeds, Psalms, &c. and 
afterwards preach'd a very excellent Funeral Sermon; and in- 
stead of a fulsome eulogium on the deceased, he very patheti- 
cally exhorted his hearers to consider the shortness of life, the 
certainty of Death & the necessity of a preparation for the World 
to come. — I staid till Sermon was over, when being very cold, 
I came away — I was told that the Corpse was carried to the 
family burying place on the Farm by six bearers with Napkins, 
in the manner Children are commonly borne to the Grave ; each 
of the bearers had a black Ribband tied round one of their Arms — 

This Man tho' a Member of the Assembly, and a rich Batche- 
lor, lived in an old house that had four Windows in the lower 
room only one of which appeared ever to have been glazed; the 
others had sash lights but no Glass — 

17 Jolm Bonner, one of the Bonner family on whose land the Town of Washington 
was planted. James and Henry Bonner were the founders of the township. They 
have many honored descendants in town and count}' today. 

ls Rev. Nathaniel Blount, familiarly known as "Parson Blount," was a first 
cousin of the brothers, John Gray, Reaumg, and Thomas Blount, all of whom 
are mentioned in the Journal. He was a student for the ministry under Rev. 
Alexander Stewart of St. Thomas church, Bath. He was ordained in London in 
1773. In the same year he built "Blount's Chapel," now Trinity Church, Choco- 
winity. The families of Mrs. Thomas Kingsbury of Wilmington and Mr. Levi 
Blount of Mississippi represent his descendants. 

26 James Sprunt Historical Publications 

I return'd to Horn's where I spent the evening. 

Monday, December 10. In the forenoon paid a Visit at Thos. 
Blackledge's Sally Salter went home by Water accompanied by 
two young Girls, Louisa Salter & Fanny Batchelor; I went to 
the water side with them — 

This has been a clear cold day. At night I paid a visit to 
Rachel Shoemaker — 

Tuesday, December 11. Writing all day at my Quarters till 
evening, then receiving an invitation from John G. Blount I 
went and, drank Tea at his house. Thos. Blackledge and his 
Wife were there Blount gives me a general invitation to his 
house — Doctor Loomis introduced me today to Mr. Hacket, just 
arrived from Tarborough, and one of Horn's boarders — .Captain 
Scott and Mr. McKim are also boarders in Horn's family. 

Wednesday, December 12. Dined at Thomas Blackledge's today 
on Venison by invitation from him last evening — The Venison 
was tender and excellent, being part of a Fawn that he with 
others got yesterday just on the back of Town; they went to look 
for some Hogs; and some Dogs that were along, giving indica- 
tions of Game being near, upon looking out they saw this hapless 
Fawn; one of the Com y fired, and broke its leg; the Dogs im- 
mediately catch'd it. — After Dinner Mr. Stephen Cambreleng 
calling in, I was introduced to him. 

This has been a Cold Day tho' clear, it is said some of the 
small Creeks are frozen over, a circumstance uncommon here at 
this Season — 

Thursday, December 13. In Conversation this Morning at 
Breakfast, it was mention'd by Capt. Scott that the allowance of 
provision made to a working Slave, in a part of this State and 
in South Carolina, was one peck of Indian Corn per Week 19 : this 
he was to dress or cook as he pleased; they are allowed no Meat, 
they have the privilege sometimes of working a bit of Ground for 
themselves, out of such time as they gain when Task'd, or on Sun- 
days. One of the Company present, a Stranger I did not know, 

"This was probably a tale meant to amuse the visitor. The woods were full 
of small game, and the rivers teemed with fish, a resource then, as now for 
whites and blacks alike. 

Journal of a Tour to North Carolina 27 

told us, that in one of his Voyages to the Coast of Guinea, and at 
a place called the River Jenk, he was present at the burial of an 
old Chief or King who had died — The body of the King was in a 
Coffin of Wood : his people buried along with him five stout ~Ne- 
groe Men alive, these were without Coffins, they submitted to this 
without apparent reluctance, and received some Rum to drink just 
before they were buried — 

In the evening went to Thomas Blackledge's where I drank 
Chocolate — 

Friday, December Ik- This forenoon rode out on a visit to Col- 
onel Kennedy's 20 about two Miles from "Washington he lives near 
the River side, a large Creek runs by his house, our party was 
Mrs. Thos. Blackledge in a Sulky, and Lucy Harvey 21 , and myself 
on Horseback, we dined and drank Tea there, and spent a very- 
agreeable day with Col. & Mrs. Kennedy, their Son John & daugh- 
ter Miss Absoley, Miss Evans was there on a visit but scarcely 
spoke — Absoley is a pleasing Character, genteel in her person, 
mild and amiable in her manners, attentive to the Company ; with 
graveness, a degree of Cheerfulness — She put me in mind of a 
lady I once loved — We return'd by Moonlight, & Mrs. Blackledge 
drove thro' the Woods with such Spirit all the way home, Lucy 
and myself rode full Gallop to keep up with her — 

This was Lucy's first ride by herself on horseback, we had 
scarcely rode one Mile out, before she was able to Canter, tho' our 
first outset was rather unpromising — I never saw any Girl ride 
so well on the first trial — 

^Colonel Kennedy was a wealthy and leading citizen of Beaufort county. His 
home here mentioned, was a social center of refined hospitality. The house was 
built about 1750, and is still standing. The foundation which encloses a substan- 
tial cellar is built of brick as are the chimneys and both ends, while the front and 
back of the house are of timber. This presents an unusual appearance for if you 
approach from the east or west you expect to enter a brick building, but on arriving 
at the front or rear entrance you see only a frame building on a brick foundation. 
The interior was elegant in its day, though now stained by age and abuse. The 
family burying ground nearby is enclosed by a substantial iron fence, but the 
handsome marble monuments therein are being wrecked by the ravages of time. 

The place is now the property of the heirs of General Bryan Grimes, who pur- 
chased it after the Civil War. 

^Lucy Harvey was a daughter of Col. Miles Harvey and sister of Mrs. John Gray 
Blount with whom she made her home, both parents being dead. She married 
Major Reading Blount in 1794. They are buried in their family burial plot, on what 
was their country home of "Bellefont." This place has passed into other owner- 
ship and is subdivided into small farms. 

28 James Sprunt Historical Publications 

I sat a while with the Ladies on our return, then retired to 
Home's to my Quarters there I always find a great deal of Com- 

Saturday, December 15. WASHINGTON is a Town contain- 
ing about sixty Families, it is situated on the North East side of 
Tar Eiver about 40 Miles from the mouth of the Eiver and 80 
from Ocracoke Bar — the River at Washington is about % of a 
Mile over but the Channel is narrow, there being flats near the 
Shore; Vessels drawing 7% feet Water come up to the Town 
when the River is low ; when the Water is raised by Freshes Vessels 
of greater burthen can come there ; for about two Miles below the 
Town the Navigation is impeded by sunken Logs, and by Stumps 
of large Trees that are supposed to have grown there — From this 
Town the trade up the River as far as the town of Tarborough at 
the head of the Navigation, is carried on chiefly in large Scows 
and Flats drawing but little Water, some of these carry 70 or 80 
hogsheads of Tobacco — Tarborough is 50 Miles above Washington 
and contains about 20 families — 

At Washington there are several convenient Wharffes, and there 
are sometimes lying here near 20 sail of Sea Vessels — Washington 
being the County Town of Beaufort County there is a Court 
House and Prison there; and there is a School House — The Lots 
upon the River are laid out 100 feet front to each Lot. — The 
Houses are built of Wood a few are large and convenient — 

Tar River like many other Rivers of North Carolina has no 
tide, other than a small rise sometimes occasioned by the Winds 
driving the Waters, a Vessel at Anchor usually rides with her head 
to the Wind. Heavy Rains however occasion considerable Freshes 
when these happen it is difficult setting and poleing Flats up the 
River, they often then warp up by Ropes fastened to the Trees on 
the bank. 

Mr. Nuttle brought with him to our Quarters this Evening a 
large Dog, singular for being whelped almost without a Tail, he 
has now but a short stump about an inch long, it is cover'd with 
hair just covering the Stump and ending in a point at the bottom 
of the Stump. 

Journal of a Tour to North Carolina 29 

Sunday, December 16. Dined with Doctor Loomiss by invita- 
tion, there were present Messrs. Leland and Arnett, those two Gen- 
tlemen went away directly after dinner, at the Doctor's desire I 
staid till near evening, after Tea I took leave — We had much talk 
— He invites me to take Christmas Dinner with him, if I stay in 
Washington — From the Doctor's I went to Thos. Blackledge's drank 
Tea there — A good deal of Company was there — 

Deliver'd letters to Capt. Kirby for Philadelphia for John 
Kaigher, Benjn. Horner, William Zane, Richard Adams and Polly 
Attmore, I enclosed the whole in a cover directed for Kaiger & 
Attmore. No Fire Engine is kept in the place, neither is there 
any Fire Buckets, If a Fire should happen in a high Wind, the 
Town might suffer much. 

By many this place is counted unhealthy, some however are of a" 
contrary opinion. 

Lately there has been a Rum Distillery established at this place 
— This is not likely to render the place more healthy — 

The Merchants export from this Town, Tar, Pitch, Turpentine, 
Rozin, Indian Corn, Boards, Scantling, Staves, Shingles, Furs, 
Tobacco, Pork, Lard, Tallow, Beeswax, Myrtlewax, Pease, and 
some other articles, their Trade is chiefly with the West Indies 
and with the other States on this Continent; the Navigation not 
admitting Vessels of great burthen to come up to the Town; and 
for a large Vessel to lay below to load at the Anchorage near the 
Bar, is always inconvenient, and sometimes dangerous. 

Monday, December 17. Rain last night, and Cloudy and wet 
today — Capt. Kirby sailed for Philadelphia. 

Tuesday, December 18. I breakfasted this Morning at Home's, 
after breakfast walk'd down to Thomas Blackledge's to enquire if 
he could accomodate me with a Horse to ride up the Country to 
visit William Tuton on business; I found David Jones there, who 
inform'd me that he was riding towards Tarborough; and of 
course would be company for me upwards of 30 Miles; Company 
is generally desirable upon a Journey, but is particularly agree- 
able when one is going a road that we have not traveled before, if 
the person is well acquainted with the Road; — Mr. Blackledge 

30 James Speunt Historical Publications 

was out, but Polly ventured to let me have the Horse that I had 
rode to INTewbern, — Mr. Jones invited me to take an early dinner 
with him, which I accepted, and afterwards we set out, We saw a 
number of partridges by the side of the Road, they did not take 
wing on our coming up but run into the bushes, we could have killed 
a great many of them if we had been furnished with Guns — After 
riding on we consulted together and agreed that we would cross 
Tar River at Mrs. Salter's and go on as far as Mr. Grimes with 
whom both of us were acquainted and stay all night, — We cross'd 
the River; at this place about a hundred yards over, in a small 
Scow, and walk'd up a high bank to Mrs. Salter's house 22 , which is 
near the bank of the River and commands a fine prospect down 
the River for a Mile or two, — We went into the House, Mrs. Sal- 
ter is Mother to Polly Blackledge and Sally Salter, that I have 
mentioned to you before, Sally & her Mother were both at home, 
as was Peggy, another daughter ; a very pretty and agreeable Girl ; 
my fellow Traveller, I soon found, had prepared an oblation, he 
produced from his pocket several fine Oranges which he presented 
to the Mother and Daughters, he had also Letters for Miss Sally, 
from some of her Friends at Washington — Mrs. Salter invited us 
to stay and take Coffee; and afterwards to lodge there, this seem- 
ing to be more pleasing to Mr. Jones, than to go on further, I 
readily agreed to it— And our Horses were put up. We spent the 
evening in conversation on different subjects, amongst the rest a 
good deal was said on Religion — At length Jones & I retired to 
go to rest, we found two Beds in our room, and proposed to our- 
selves each to take one to himself, but my fellow Traveller upon 
examining the one that by tacit consent had fallen to his lot, found 
it to be without Sheets, this circumstance rather disconcerted him, 
as I believe he had before heard me say, that I had as lieve sleep 
with a Snapping Turtle or a Two-Year-old Bull, as with a Man, 
However I soon relieved him by declaring that in present circum- 
stances his Company would not be disagreeable, and we tumbled 
in and went to Sleep. 

22 "Mrs. Salter's house" this was the plantation of Col. Edmund Salter, not far 
from Avon and Grimesland. It was in recent years the residence of Col. jusepu 
Saunders of Confederate fame. 

Journal of a Tour to North Carolina 31 

Wednesday, December 19. Jones and I rose early intending to 
ride on to Mr. Grimes's three Miles from Mrs. Salter's where we 
made no doubt that we should find a good Breakfast, we bid adieu 
to Mrs. Salter, who had risen ; and pursued our way ; we called 
at Mr. Grimes's we found that he had gone from home, his daugh- 
ter Betsey that I had seen at Thomas Blackledge's with two other 
young Women were at home, they were at work in a room below 
stairs, and we soon found that they seemed rather embarrass'd 
with our Company; to our Grief, they for half an hour neglected 
to ask us whether we had breakfasted 23 , being in despair on this 
head Jones asked if I would ride on, as Mr. Grimes was not at 
home; with great reluctance I was obliged to answer, Yes, — Then 
with heavy hearts we bid the Girls, good b'ye, mounted our horses, 
and rode twelve Miles to Greenville, formerly called Martinsburg; 
here at the hospitable house of Mr. Johnson, Innkeeper, we re- 
lieved our importunate Appetites — Some disappointment like this 
probably induced Shenstone to write his poem beginning, 

Who'er has travelled Life's dull round, 

Where'er his various fate has been; 
May blush to think, how oft he's found, 

His warmest welcome at an Inn — 

GREENEVILLE, so called in Honour of General Green, is the 
County Town of Pitt County; it is situated on the Southeast side 
of Tar River, at this place about 90 or 100 yards over, when the 
River is low; tho' near a Mile wide when there are freshes in the 
River, and it is here about ten feet deep. — The Village consists of 
about fifteen families, and is a place of some Trade, the planters 
in the vicinity, bringing their produce to this Landing. The 
Town stands high and pleasant. 

Mr. Jones and I, after eating our Breakfasts walked to Messrs. 
Easton and Wright's Store at the bank of the River, with the 
latter I had some business, the former was my fellow passenger, 

23 "They neglected to ask us whether we had breakfasted." This was probably 
not from lack of hospitality on the part of Miss Belsy Grimer, but was occasioned 
by the strict etiquette of that day. A' young lady of 'her hisrh position would have 
committed a social error had she entertained strange young men in the absence of 
her parents. Her mother was dead and her father and brother absent on business, 
therefore, "they seemed rather embarrassed with our company." 

32 James Sprunt Historical Publications 

Mr. Easton invited us to drink some Punch with him, before we 
continued our Journey, this we did, not because we wanted any, but 
it is a maxim with me in general not to reject the proffered civili- 
ties of any Man: we walked up to his lodgings where I saw his 
daughter little Sylvia my fellow passenger from Philadelphia — 
Just as we were about to set off from Greeneville, it began Pain- 
ing and appeared likely to continue to rain the whole day, we had 
our Horses led to the Stable again, and after waiting two or three 
hours, appearances being more favourable, we crossed to the North 
side of the River in a small Scow and pursued our way — 

We rode about 10 Miles, to the house of ¥m, Tuton and were 
informed there, that he was gone to Tarborough and was not ex- 
pected home for several days, this determined me to accompany 
Mr. Jones to that place, we accordingly rode on five Miles fur- 
ther and about night fall arrived at the house of Mrs. Cobb, an 
ancient woman, who keeps a petty Ordinary — We concluded to 
stay here all night, not being sure of obtaining a lodging in Tar- 
borough if we went there, as we had heard that every house was 
crowded, the Assembly being then met at that place. Mrs. Cobbs' 
house consisted of two Apartments, one was the sitting Room, the 
floor was of Clay or dirt, and there was one Bed in the Room — 
The other Apartment was floored with Boards and contained 
four good Beds, two on each side of the Room. — Mrs.. Cobb; is a 
Woman between 83 and 84 years of Age, as she told me; she was 
born in the Isle of Wight County, Virginia, she retains her facul- 
ties and is as brisk and lively as most Women of 30 years of Age — 
She waits on Travellers herself and even goes to the Stable and 
takes care of their Horses herself. This not from necessity, hav- 
ing assistance enough if she chooses it; but seems to plume herself 
on her activity, and attention to her Guests and to their Horses — 
This Woman has near 50 descendants Children, Grandchildren, 
and Great Grandchildren — We complained on entering the House 
that the Fire was almost out, she went and brought a load of 
Wood, threw it on, and with a pleasant air said ''There it will be 
a fire when it burns" — alluding I suppose to the Story of the Fox 
that made the Ice smoke — We were furnished with a very indif- 

Journal of a Tour to North Carolina 33 

fereiit supper; but our Horses being well taken care of in regard 
to food and each one being fastened by himself in a cover'd log- 
Pen, we getting clean and good beds for ourselves were not un- 
easy. — 

Mr. Van Noorden 24 and another Gentleman arrived in the 
course of the evening at this Stage we were now four Guests but 
we got each of us a bed to ourselves. — 

Thursday, December 20. We were alarmed in our Quarters 
before day, by the firing of Muskets at some little distance froi) ' 
the house in which we lay — We found that the firing was at a 
school House in the neighborhood, of our Quarters, with powder 
only; tis the custom here for School Boys upon the approach of 
Christmas, Easter and Whitsuntide, to rebel against their School- 
master, in order to force him to grant them a holiday; the boys 
rise early in the Morning and go to the School House, which is 
considered as their Fort, they barricade the Door and Windows, 
carry into the house with them victuals and blankets, with water 
and wood, sufficient to sustain the Siege that they expect from the 
Master; Upon his approach at the usual School hours, he finds 
himself shut out, he demands the cause, the Garrison acquaints 
him that they are determined to have a holiday, this is frequently 
denied, and now commences the Siege, the Master tries to force 
his way into the house, they resist him by every means in their 
power, and sometimes give him some very serious hard knocks, 
throw Stones &c. It is generally looked upon as a piece of fun; 
the Master pretends to be solicitous to subdue them, and if he 
catches any Stragler from the Fort, he will flog him heartily & it- 
is understood on these occasions that the boys are to be peaceable, 
except during the actual storm of the enemy, when they are at 
liberty to maul him to their hearts content — This Scene is some- 
times continued many days, at last the Master proposes terms, 
that he grants them so many days holiday; which if satisfactory 
being accepted by the Garrison, peace is again established in the 
little community. Sometimes however the Master not being a 

M A street in the town of Washington commemorates Mr. Van Noorden's owner- 
ship of a part of the original land. 


34 James Spkunt Historical Publications 

good humour'd Man & not entering into their views, finds means 
to subdue the Garrison, and threshes the Ringleaders heartily — 

- Jones and I, set out about Sunrise from Mrs. Cobb's and rode 
eleven Miles to Tarborough before breakfast — riding over a Bridge 
built of Wood at the Town, over Tar River. 

TARBOROUGH, is the County Town of Edgecombe County; 
it is situated on the Southeast side of Tar River, at this place 
about eighty yards over, the Town contains about twenty Fam- 
ilies, and for the size of it has a considerable Trade, it is the 
highest Town on the River, and Boats seldom go above this place. 
— The houses are all of Wood — It is situated on a high flat piece 
of Ground, and is a very pleasant place. 

There is an Inspection house here for the reception and e? 
animation of Tobacco, and I am told there is brought to it annu- 
ally 1400 Hogsheads. — 

Tobacco is brought to the Inspecting house at this Landing 
sometimes in Waggons but more usually rolled, and from the dis- 
tance of a hundred Miles or more — When brought in Waggons it 
is pitch'd from the tail of the Waggons without fear of Staving, 
if judiciously dropt, so as to let the end of the Staves strike the 
ground first. The method of rolling it to the Landing is as fol- 
lows two rough Wheels or Cleets are made to the Cask by fixing 
on, with strong wooden Pins, pieces of Wood hewn in shape like 
the fellows of a Wheel ; these are fastened to the hogshead, at the 
quarters, or near each end of the Cask; next an axle is made by 
driving into each end of the Cask, a piece of Wood; squared at 
one end, to answer a square hole in the heading; this to prevent 
the Axle from turning in the Cask; — the Shank of it left without 
the Cask, is made round; a rough pair of Shafts are now pre- 
pared, in the ends of which, are holes for those round Shanks to 
work in as the Hogshead rolls over, sometimes a small square box, 
is built upon the Shafts, for carrying Victuals, a blanket, or 
other things ; each Hogshead is drawn by two Horses ; one placed 
before the other; and each Horse has usually a Saddle upon his 
back for the Men bringing the Tobacco to ride when they choose 
it ; and I observed that in coming into Tarborough, they mostly 

Journal of a Tour to North Carolina 35 

availed themselves of the indulgence ; and came riding into Town 
with the Tobacco rolling after them. They throw away the 
Shafts on their arrival and return home on horseback. 

It may be here observed that Pitch, Tar, & Turpentine are rolled 
to the Landing from the Woods, partly in the same manner ; 
in these, the Axle, is one Stick drove quite through the Cask, and 
wedged so as not to work loose, leaving a Shank at each end which 
when it arrives, is sawed off, leaving the rest of the Stick in the 
barrel — They do not take the trouble to fix Cleets to the barrels, 
the cask rolls upon the Hoops, — Two barrels are often drawn to- 
gether, the last one is fixed by a box at each end reaching to the 
end of the Shafts. 

The manner of managing Tobacco at the Inspecting house is 
this — The planter driving up near the door, disengages his Horses ; 
then knocks and splits off the cleets or fellows, which with tlr 
Shafts are thrown away; the remains of the wooden pins which 
fasten'd the Cleets are drove into the Tobacco, till the heads of 
them are quite through the Staves, that the Cask may Slip off tlr 
Tobacco the easier, the Shanks of the Axles are sawed off, the 
other part remains in the Tobacco and is disregarded : next the 
Hogshead being set on one end, the hoops of the end now upper- 
most are taken off and that head taken ont ; then the Cask with the 
Tobacco is gently eased down on the bilge, or side, and then the 
end before downward is raised uppermost ; so that the Tobacco now 
bearing on the Ground, the Cask may be lifted quite away from it, 
leaving the Tobacco standing without a Case; and easy to be in- 
spected. The work hitherto is done by the Countryman or his 
Assistant; Now the Inspector is called, who bringing a Crow bar 
drives it into the Tobacco where he chooses, raising a mass or 
Cheese of it, so as to examine it in about three different strata or 
parts of it ; if found to be good and merchantable, it is passed 
and allowed as such. The empty Cask with the head and Hoops 
being now carried to the large Scales belonging to the Inspectirr 
is weighed, and whatever it weighs is marked upon the head, be- 
ing by Merchants called the Tare of the Cask; next the Cask 
being again put over the Tobacco, it is again upset, the head and 

36 James Spkunt Historical Publications 

hoops fixed as at first, then being rolled to the Scales the Cask and 
Tobacco therein are weighed together, and the gross weight being 
marked on the head, over the Tare weight first marked ; the neat 
weight of Tobacco may easily be known by subtracting the Tare. 
The Inspector now makes an entry in his Warehouse Book, of the 
Hogshead with the weight, and affixes a Number to the Cask, 
which he also enters in his Book ; he gives to the planter a Note 
or receipt for the Cask of Tobacco, expressing the Number, weight 
and Tare, and receives the Hogshead of Tobacco into the Ware- 
house, where it may lay till the Tobacco of the next Year comes 
in ; the Planter pays for its examination and Storing Five Shill- 
ings. — The Planter has now no further trouble with the To- 
bacco; his Note or Receipt is transferable like a Bill of Credit 
merely by the possession of it, and he may sell his Note when or 
where he pleases; the buyer when he wants to remove the To- 
bacco, presenting the Note, and the identical hogshead is de- 
livered to him — Confusion is prevented, by numbering all the 
Tobacco that comes into the Warehouse in one Crop, regularly 
from No. 1 to the end. 

If the Planter has any ordinary Tobacco in his Cask, it is taken 
out, and he may sell it to whom he pleases, but cannot get a Note 
for it. The Inspection or Warehouse is a large framed house of 
Wood; it is 160 feet long and about 50 feet broad. — It is near the 
bank of the River. 

A new regulation is proposed in this State in regard to To- 
bacco to class it in three divisions, No. 1, to be of the first quality, 
No. 2, of the second sort, and No. 3, to include all ordinary and 
trash Tobacco however mean without rejecting any. 

We found upon our arrival at Tarborough the place much 
crowded; the Legislature being sitting for the dispatch of business 
— The size of the Town appear'd so inadequate to the comfortable 
accomodation of a Legislature composed of about 120 Commons 
or Delegates and about 60 Senators, together with the people at- 
tending the Sessions in business or going there on motives of 
pleasure that you will not easily believe that it was possible to 

Journal of a Tour to North Carolina 37 

provide for them, Yet provided for they were, and they said 
themselves, very comfortably; One old Countryman said that he 
had cause to be satisfied that he lived there much better than at 
-home.- — 

Captain Toole a Trader, and for the time Innkeeper provided 
for 40 or 50 Members, with a great number of others ; every family 
almost received some of the Members ; Beds were borrowed from 
the Country, 3 or 4 placed in a room, and two of their Honors in 
a Bed — provisions were in plenty, Horses were mostly sent to 
Farms in the vicinity of the Town — Mr. Faulkner who formerly 
resided sometime in Philadelphia brought hither his E Table; 
Gambling was carried to great extent, at this Table and also at 
other Games ; at times several of my acquaintances have told me of 
their losses,— A Trader of Newbern lost in one night 600 pounds — 
Some attempts were made to represent some dramatic pieces, but 
with very bad success — Two of the Actresses were Adventuresses 
from Charleston. I rode up to the house of Captain Toole, sit- 
uated at a corner of two Streets, in the middle of the Street that 
crosses by the side of his house there was a place for horses to 
stand, composed of two posts set in the ground at about 15 feet 
distance from each other on the tops rested a cross piece with 
Pins at intervals for fastening the Bridles, here stood a dozen 
horses, and here I fix'd mine with the rest — till I should be able 
to get a place_ for him — Going into the front Room I found the 
Table laid for Breakfast in two rows, I waited some time by the 
fire side, when the Breakfast being brought in, I hung up my Hat 
and without any Ceremony took my Seat amongst the Crowd; 
Legislators, Planters and Merchants, After being all seated I 
lifted up my eyes and saw that I had committed a faux pas, 
every Man but me had kept his Hat on — However this made but 
little difference, I only determined to keep it on next time — We 
had a tolerable Breakfast — my friend Jones, had gone to break- 
fast with an acquaintance — I found Mr. Thomas Stuart here whom 
I had seen at INTewbern, he kindly offered to show me the way to 
the Court house where the Assembly sat, having accepted his 

38 James Sprunt Historical Publications 

offer, we walk'd up; the Court House is a large wooden building 

of two Apartments, built in this form 


standing on brick Pillars; in the long Eoom the Commons met, 
in the other the Senate — Any person is at liberty to go and hear 
the debates of either House, Standing uncover'd without their 
Bar — The bar at the Senate was a Board laid across two old 
Trunks, standing on the ends which served very well pro tern. 

The Bar of the Commons House was the Court Boom Bar — ■ 
Every Member sat with his Hat on except when addressing the 
Chair — The business before the house not being very interesting 
I soon retired — But soon after hearing that the new Governor 
was to be Sworn into Office I returned. There was now a joint 
Meeting of the two houses in the large Boom, a Committee of 3 or 
4 gentlemen went to him, they walk'd together to the House all 
the Members rose on his entering, the usual Oath of Allegiance 
to the State and Oath of Office as Governor being by him distinctly 
repeated and sworn, he retired to his lodgings, there being no Cere- 
mony of Proclamation — 

Hetiring from thence, I soon after met my fellow passenger 
Mackie, taking a walk with him We called at Mr. Clement's Store, 
I was introduced to him — Next I took a walk to the house of my 
friend Bichard Blackledge, he was at home and introduced me to 
his Wife, an elegant Woman, to Miss Brannon and to Miss Hill 
who were at his house, — He invited me to dine — 

Leaving Blackledge — I was introduced to Mr. Boss, a 

Merchant— At dinner I returned to Bichard Blackledge's, here 
was a large Company, amongst others Judge Williams 20 . I was in- 
troduced to some of the Company, and during Dinner an Argument 
arose between one of the Gentlemen present, and the Judge, 
respecting Slaves; the Judge wished that there was an immediate 
addition of One hundred Thousand Slaves to the State; I soon 
became a Party and we had a good deal of conversation on the 
subject I principally endeavour'd to shew the political inexpe- 

M Judge Williams of Williamsboro. 

Journal of a Tour to North Carolina 39 

dience of the practice of keeping Slaves by argument on the 
advantages a State having none but Free Citizens must have over 
a State encumber'd with Slaves in case of a contest for power; 
and by shewing the disadvantages to posterity from the practice. — 
With just glancing a few hints on the general rights of Mankind, 
such as I thought that my auditory might bear — The Judge 
frankly declared that his views were for the present ease and 
affluence; and said that he admitted our Great Grandchildren 
wou'd be Slaves. — Here seemed to rest our Argument. I now took 
a walk, afterwards Mr. Jones coining to look for me I return'd to 
Tea in the evening, Doctr. Williamson was there to whom I was 
introduced. After some Conversation I took a walk up to Tooles, 
here I saw my fellow passenger Billy Ford, he had a black eye and 
wore a silk Handkerchief tied over it, upon enquiry into the cause 
of this disaster, he inform' d me that there had been, an evening 
or two before a jovial meeting of some of the members of the 
Legislature, in the Court House, when he standing up to entertain 
them with the exhibition of "Bucks have at ye all" Some of the 
Company grew riotous, Somebody threw an Orange Skin and hit 
him in the eye. Somebody also threw the Leg of a Turkey which 
miss'd him, but fell not, guiltless to the floor, giving Toole a 
violent blow on the back. — He invited me to go upstairs to be 
introduced to some great Men, but I was engaged — 

Soon after parting with Ford my attention was engaged by a 
Quarrel in one of the Rooms below a Stout Man in Liquor want- 
ing to fight with another Man not so disposed; — He endeavour'd 
all in his power by opprobious words & otherwise to provoke the 
quiet Man to strike him first, in order to avoid being indicted for 
an assault, and as the phrase is here "To Quit the Law," amongst 
other expedients he lay down on the Floor, upon his back with his 
Legs and Arms extended calling "iSTow strike me" "Kick me" — 
Stamp upon me"— but his Adversary was not to be provoked to 
give him an opportunity to make battle with impunity. — After 
taking a drink of Porter with my friend John Whitall at Toole's, 
tired with the different Scenes of the day I began to think of a 
bed — I had asked of Mackie to let me have a part of his Bed in 
the Store, I went there, he told me I could be accomodated with 

40 James Sprunt Historical Publications 

a spare Bed in the house, and going out Mr. Gilchrist his brother's 
partner came in, and invited me into the house, here he introduced 
me to Samuel Johnston Esqr. the new Governor, to General 
McDowell, and other Gentlemen, Colo. Davie was here, to whom 
I was introduced at Newborn, 

The Governor and I, had a long conversation on various topics, 
and I retired to Tbed pretty late. 

Friday, December 21. I breakfasted at Capt. Toole's — Afterwards 
I saw William Ford who invited me to dine with him, this did not 
suit today, he invited me to call in the forenoon and take a glass of 
Wine with him, this I did — 

Having this Morning seen Mr. Gilchrist, he told me that he had 
expected me to Breakfast : he invited me to dine with him, and 
desired that David Jones would come also. — I took a walk to the 
Tobacco Inspection ; the price of that article is 50/ per 100 lb. 
part to be paid in Goods — David Jones and I went to dine at Mr. 
Gilchrist's, after Dinner the Governor came in ; most of the Com- 
pany except him retiring, he & I had a long tete a tete Con- 
versation — He kindly invited me to pay him a Visit if I should 
come in the neighborhood of Edenton where he resides, which I 
Promised. In the evening I went to visit William Tuton at Mr. 
Greir's, here was Benjamin Brown and William Ford — In the 
evening I walk'd to Richard Blackledge's where I took Tea, then 
returned to Mr. Greir's where I eat Supper — Two back country 
Assembly Men came in, one named Gardner from Surry County, 
we had a long conversation on the subject of paper Money; one 
of the Assembly Men seemed to think Merchants of little benefit 
to the Country and said that he wished there were none for 100 
Years to come. It growing late we could not end our subject, 
but the Assembly Men said that next evening they were at our 
service for further debate. I staid and slept with Benjamin 

Saturday, December 22. I breakfasted and dined at Toole's. 
There was Snow, Sleet and Rain all day — They were out of Wood 
at Toole's, and we suffer'd there for want of Fire— In the evening 
I saw Mr. Gilchrist, he invited me to lodge at his House, letting 
me know that he expected me last night. I drank Chocolate there. 

Journal of a Tour to North Carolina 41 

The Governor was there, and I had another long tete a tete 
Conversation the early part of the evening with him on the Slavery 
of the Negroes, on Liberty, about many of our acquaintances; 
their Houses &c. General McDowell 26 afterwards came in, we had 
a deal of conversation, he told us about his "Wars with the English, 
the Indians, and the Bears ; he was one of those Commanders who 
defeated & killed Colo. Ferguson at King's Mountain, he is an 
elderly Man his Locks are beginning to Silver over. General 
McDowell related his killing some Bears nearly as follows — ■ 

"There was a large old Tree with a hole in it, very high up, 
"some of us went there, and we thought it was likely there was a 
"Bear down that hole, I got an Indian Ladder (this is a Saplin 
"with the Limbs cut off, about a foot from the Stock so as to 
"take hold with the hands and feet in clim'ing) this Ladder, I set 
"up against the Tree, and getting a long Pole with a flaming 
"brand on the end of it, got up the Ladder, with the Pole, and 
"held the Fire to the hole in the Tree which soon took Fire, the 
"Smoke and heat forced out a full grown Bear who descended so 
"fast, I was at last obliged to drop myself to the ground, here I 
"had left my Gun, and just as the Bear was reaching the Ground, 
"I fired and broke his back, we then dispatched him with the Axe, 
" — Soon after another Bear called a Yearling came out and de- 
scended we knock'd him on the head also with the Axe — And 
"there came out of the hole, one more Bear, also a Yearling, he 
"ran out upon the boughs of the Tree, and there being a bad 
"Marksman in the Company, We set him to Shoot this Bear, and 
"after firing many times he at last hit him and brought him 
"down — " 

As I grew very sleepy I retired to bed. This evening the 
Assembly finished their Session and broke up. 

Sunday, December 23. It is very much the custom in North 
Carolina to drink Drams of some kind or other before Breakfast; 
sometimes Gin, Cherry-bounce, Egg Nog &c. several of the Assem- 
bly Men, this Morning indulged themselves in this respect. 

26 General McDowell was probably Charles McDowell as he was older than his 
brother Joseph; both were participants in the battle of King's Mountain. 

42 James Sprunt Historical Publications 

General Thomas Parsons came in and staid a short time — I 
breakfasted at Mr. Gilchrist's and dined at Captain Toole's. 

The Assembly Men push'd out of Town this forenoon in great 
numbers, many of them appearing very anxious to get home. 

In the afternoon I paid a visit at Richard Blackledge's, drank 
Tea there. The company there, were Mrs. Harvey", Doctor 
Williamson" 8 , Major Blount, Colonel Thomas, &c. We had a good 
deal of conversation. 

I went to Mr. Gilchrist's to lodge. 

Monday, December 2 J/.. I breakfasted at Mr. Gilchrist's today, & 
dined at Capt. Toole's, I visited William Tuton upon business, he 
offers payment in Lands for a demand we have, could not agree 
about the terms. 

The Assembly of North Carolina, consists of two Commons and 
one Senator for each County in the State ; of these Counties there 
are about sixty. 

The Legislature meet the first Monday in November by Law, — 
Some of them came to the Assembly to Tarborough 800 Miles, 
these came from the settlements about Cumberland River. These 
Members encamp in the Woods returning home, part of the way; 
the country is settled as far back as 3 or 400 Miles. 

In the evening I rode out to Edward Hall's Farm about two 
Miles from Tarborough upon business, he inviting me to stay all 
night, I accepted his invitation — The evening Moon light, and has 
been a fine day. 

Tuesday, December 25. This Morning according to North Caro- 
lina custom we had before Breakfast, a drink of EGG NOG, this 
compound is made in the following manner : In two clean Quart 

27 "Mrs. Harvey" was Ann Blount, widow of James Harvey, the young son 
of Col. John Harvey the distinguished Moderator of the Assembly held at New 
Bern, in 1774. She made the trip on horseback from Pitt county across the 
mountains into Tennessee to visit her brother, Gov. William Blount. She died 
there and her remains rest near his in the Presbyterian churchyard, in Knoxville, 

28 Doctor Hugh Williamson, though born in Pennsylvania, was largely associated 
with North Carolina. He represented Edenton in the House of Commons in 1782, 
and was sent to Congress from that district in 1784. He was one of the signers 
of the Constitution from this State. He was again in Congress from 1790 to 
1792. He wrote a history of North Carolina in 1812. 

Journal of a Tour to North Carolina 43 

Bowls, were divided the Yolks and whites of five Eggs, the yolks & 
whites separated, the Yolks beat up with a Spoon, and mixt up 
with brown Sugar, the whites were whisk'd into Froth by a Straw 
Whisk till the Straw wou'd stand upright in it ; when duly beat, 
the Yolks were put to the Froth ; again beat a long time ; then half 
a pint of Rum pour'd slowly into the mixture, the whole kept 
stirring the whole time till well incorporated. 

After Breakfasting I returned to Tarborough. I dined with 
Andrew Grier. After dinner saw a dance of Negroes to the Banjo 
in his Yard. 

In the afternoon I set off for Washington, after riding a few 
Miles I overtook Brown, Tuton &c. who were going down the 
Road, — We stopt at Mrs. Cobb's, took a drink, and rode to Jone's 
Tavern being some in the night. 

We arrived in the heighth of a quarrel there between two Men ; 
the Landlady applied to me to part 'em, I told her "jSTo, let them 
settle their own differences." — They were going to fight out in the 
Road, when one of the company declared he wou'd massacre the 
Man who should attempt to Gouge, (that is, endeavors to run 
his thumbs into the eyes of the other, scoop out his eye balls) 
Womble, one of the disputants declared "I cannot fight without a 
Gouge" One of the company supported his declaration saying 
"Ay ! A Gouge all weathers, by G — . the terms were not accepted ; 
their passions cooled by degrees and the gouging Man said, "tho I 
am but a little "Shoemaker, I won't be imposed upon" I replied 
You may be a Shoemaker perhaps, but you are 

[A page of manuscript is missing here] 

In some places on the way, there appears amongst the Trees a 
very luxuriant herbage one sort called Reed, appearing like our 
Meadow Tussocks as we call them, is now green and continues so 
all winter — And another kind which now looks brown, like dead 
Grass, but grows green toward Spring, — both are excellent for 

The Settlements along this Road are but few — I was overtaken 
in the Woods by a Man in a homespun Jacket and ragged Trous- 

44 James Sprunt Historical Publications 

ers, mounted on a Poney a little bigger than a Goat, the first notice 
I had of him was by his giving a Whistle behind me. 

I grasped a loaded Whip, and turn'g it in my hand; looking 
round me, with some little apprehension from the loneliness of the 
place — He came up, and rode about two or three Miles with me 
when he left me. I found by his conversation that he was a Tar 
burner. We had a variety of Chat, — Amongst other talk he told 
me that two Wolves had been killed about a fortnight before near 
the place we then were — 

After parting with this honest fellow, I rode on, trusting my 
Horse to chuse the Road and his choice .... did credit to 
his Sagacity-except once where there happen'd to be a Post of 
direction — Here he Seem'd to incline to go contrary to the direc- 
tion on the Post which conduct I could not account for as it was 
clear he was not making homeward, till afterwards upon enquiry 
I found his Owner had been used to ride up that Road while 
Courting the lady now his Wife; and that place was still the 
habitation of some agreeable young Ladies, — perhaps his intention 
was to introduce me there. — 

After riding 25 Miles I arrived at Mr. Pearce's where I got 
dinner and rested my Horse. There was playing at his door five 
ISTegroe Children every one dress'd in a Shirt only — Clothes are 
not bestowed on these Animals with much profusion — At Johnson's 
one was Walking abot. the Court Yard absolutely naked, and in 
Newbern I saw a boy thro' the Street with only a Jacket on, and 
that unbuttoned. — 

Prom Pearce's I rode five Miles to Mr. Blount's Ferry at Tar 
River here two Negroes rowed me over to the Washington Shore 
where I landed at Sunset — 

Being fond of remarking upon the tempers of Men and upon 
human Nature in general, under every appearance and circum- 
stance I thought proper to interrogate Polydore one of the Ne- 
groes who rowed me, in respect to his condition as follows — 

Attmore, Where was you born, boy? 

Polydore, I was born in Guinea. 

Attmore, Don't you want to go back to your Country? 

Journal of a Tour to North Carolina 45 

The other Negroe answers — He fs fast, he can't go. 

Polydore, I have learnt another Language now, they will kill me if 
I go back to my home — 

Attmore, How came you brought from yr. Country, 

Polydore, I went with many more to attack a town, where they were 
too strong for us, they killed a great many, and took 140 of us 
prisoners, and sold us. — 

Attmore, Had you not better have let them alone and remained in 
peace at home? 

Polydore, No — My Nation always fight that Nation — - 

Attmore, And what would do i'f you return'd to your Country now, 
wou'd you be quiet? 

Polydore, No — I go there, and fight 'em worse than ever. — 

As we got to Shore at this period, I gave my two ragged Ferry- 
men a small present, for which they were thankful — And Galloped 
up the Shore to my former Quarters at Blackledge's Here I found 
Miss Sally Salter, & Miss Absoley Kennedy, 

[The remainder of the manuscript has heen lost, save the 
next page, a fragment descriptive of New Bern.'] 

NEWBEKN", is a Town situated on a point or Neck of Land 
at the confluence of the Rivers Neuse and Trent, each of these 
Rivers are at the Town about three quarters of a Mile wide, the 
Town contains about 500 or 600 Houses which are mostly built of 
Wood, this place is generally reckon'd to be the Capital of North 
Carolina, tho' the Legislature do not always meet there, the Neuse 

is navigable for Sea Vessels about miles above the Town and 

for Scows and Flats about Miles — The Trent is navigable above 
the Town for Sea Vessels about Miles and for Flats and Scows 

about Miles — 

There is an elegant house in this place called the Palace, for- 
merly the residence of the Governor many of the houses are large 
and commodious some are one story and some two Stories high. 

There are to many of the houses Balconies or Piazzas in front 
and sometimes back of the house, this Method of Building is 
found convenient on account of the great Summer Heats here — 
These Balconies are often two Stories high, sometimes one or 

46 James Sprunt Historical Publications 

both ends of it are boarded up, and made into a Room. There 
are convenient Wharves at ISTewbern, these are mostly on the 
Trent side of the Town where the Shipping generally lay — Ves- 
sels drawing 9 feet water can come up to the place — There is a 
small church 29 here with a square tower, Cupola and Bell & it is 
the only place of Worship in the Town. This place being the 
County Town of Craven County, there is a brick Goal here, and a 
Court House, the latter is raised on Arches; the Courts being held 
upstairs, the lower part serves for a Market place; tho' but little 
provisions are carried there; people coming in Boats or Canoes sell 
their Marketting at the Biver side. 

^This was the present "Christ Church" New Bern, originally Craven Parish, 
established by the Vestry Act of 1715. (See Colonial Records Vol. II p. 209). The 
two royal Governors, Tryon and Martin attended this church during their oc- 
cupancy of the Palace. A very handsome silver communion service and alms basin, 
also Bible and Prayer Book, each bearing the Royal arms, the silver engraved 
"presented by George the II, King of England," are in the possession of the 
present Christ Church. The records of this Parish were destroyed by fire many- 
years ago, and the tradition to which the memory of man runneth not to the con- 
trary is that these particular articles were presented to Christ Church by George II. 

However, Bishop Joseph Blount Cheshire is inclined to the belief that this 
eucharistic service with accompanying Prayer Book and Bible were originally 
given to the Royal Chapel of St. Philips, at old Brunswick and that when New 
Bern became the seat of the Royal Government under William Tryon he trans- 
ferred these sacred and beautiful articles to Christ Church, New Bern, and gave 
it the< distinction of being the "Royal Chapel." 

To the historian this belief is quite tenable and only enhances the historic interest 
that clusters around this old Parish. 

• • ,